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| |
Archbishop: Inside the Power
Structure of the American Catholic Church
By Thomas J.
Reese, S.J.
Copyright ©
1989 by Thomas J. Reese, S.J.
All rights
reserved
Published by
Harper & Row, 1989
Introduction
In our
western civilization only one formal organization, the Roman Catholic Church,
claims a substantial age.
Chester I.
Barnard/1
Empirical
research by psychologists and sociologists on bishops and other [church]
administrators is apparently nonexistent.
Kennedy and
Heckler
American
Catholic bishops are front-page news. Their involvement in important national
issues is chronicled because they are influential and sometimes controversial
participants in the political process. Their opposition to abortion and their
pastoral letters on peace and on the U.S. economy have been widely discussed and
debated. A more recent focus of attention has been the division within the
American hierarchy over whether include information on condoms in AIDS education
programs. Not only the media but also politicians have paid attention to what
the bishops are saying. The Reagan White House attacked an early draft of the
peace pastoral. And Geraldine Ferraro could not ignore Cardinal John O'Connor's
questions about her stand on abortion.
Despite the
media attention given to their positions on public issues, the bishops actually
spend very little of their time on public policy or writing pastoral letters.
Most of their time is spent on internal church matters in their own dioceses.
But little is known about what bishops do in their dioceses, the ecclesiastical
territories for which they are responsible. What power do they have? How do they
make decisions? How do they spend their time? When the diocesan work of a bishop
does come to the attention of the press, it tends to be about highly
controversial issues: the closing of a parish or school, a lawsuit dealing with
a pedophilic priest, or some other crisis.
Even in his own
diocese, the daily work of a bishop is practically unknown. Everyone agrees that
bishops are important in the Catholic Church, but few people, including
Catholics, know much about their local bishop or his work. Most Catholics only
meet a bishop once in their lives, when they receive the sacrament of
confirmation. Normally the bishop confirms when he visits a parish every year or
two. His visit is usually only long enough to talk to the pastor, celebrate the
liturgy, and go to the reception for the newly confirmed and their relatives.
The people come away with only the briefest impressions of the personality and
views of the bishop and with very little understanding of his other work.
The public
ignorance about what bishops do is matched by a similar ignorance in the
scholarly community. Canon law describes the power and responsibilities of
bishops but does not usually examine how that power is actually exercised.
Numerous theological books and articles have been written about bishops, but
they are primarily abstract, theoretical treatises on the role of bishops in the
church. Often these studies say that the bishop is or should be a spiritual
leader and pastoral teacher without any concrete explanation of how these roles
are carried out.
Some histories
and biographies tell about bishops and what they did in the church of the past,
but very little describes the bishops of today and what they do in the
post-Vatican II church. There are practically no studies of the bishops from a
social science perspective, which is surprising since the Catholic church is the
oldest surviving complex organization in the world. What was said in the
multivolume The Catholic Priest in the United States in 1972 is still
true: "Empirical research by psychologists and sociologists on bishops and other
[church] administrators is apparently nonexistent."/2 This lack of interest on
the part of social scientists is shocking considering the long existence of the
church and the fact that it has been undergoing major changes in the last thirty
years.
Purpose of Book
This is not a
theological or spiritual book. I approached this study as a journalist who is a
political scientist and Jesuit priest./3 It is not an attempt to describe the
Spirit working in the church; rather it attempts to describe the people, the
processes, and structures through which the Spirit must work. Social scientists
cannot measure or evaluate the spiritual nature of the church, they can only
describe and analyze its external manifestations in people and organizations.
This book
describes what the American archbishops do for a living. It seeks to answer
questions such as the following: Who are these men? How do they become
archbishops? What do they do besides confirm? How do they spend their time? How
do they make decisions? How do they organize and govern their dioceses? What
control do they exercise over what is happening in their dioceses?
This study uses
social science methodology and theory to gain a greater understanding of church
organization and decision making. It examines the decision-making process
archbishops use for allocating resources and assigning personnel. It studies how
they provide leadership within their archdioceses, how they spend their time,
how they get information, how they make decisions, and how they communicate with
their priests and people. The role of their chanceries and diocesan consultative
bodies in helping them to fulfill their leadership and decision-making roles is
also examined.
A major thesis
of this book is that archdiocesan governance, like the governance of any
organization, is affected by the personality and preferences of the leaders, the
environment in which they operate and the "technologies" employed./4
"Technologies" are the means, skills, techniques, and knowledge used by an
organization to attain its goals. In the church, these technologies (preaching,
counseling, education, etc.) would be organized into ministries. The structures
and strategies of an organization, including the church, are determined by its
leadership, but they are also rooted in an organization's technology and task
environment. An organization's leaders, technology, and task environment do not
operate in total independence of one another; each can influence the others.
Church leaders,
archbishops, and the people they appoint, can make a difference. Intellectual,
interpersonal, organizational, and pastoral talents vary among bishops. This is
most frequently noted when comparing a bishop with his predecessor. Cardinal
Joseph Bernardin of Chicago relates better with his priests than did his
predecessor Cardinal John Cody. Cardinal John O'Connor of New York and Cardinal
Bernard Law of Boston delegate more to their chancery officials than did
Cardinals Cooke and Medeiros. The three current cardinals play a larger role
nationally than did their predecessors.
But the same
men's influence would be different in a different environment. An archbishop's
power is limited (or enhanced) by the canonical, political, financial,
demographic, and historical environment in which he must operate. Without
resources (money and personnel), without the support of his priests and people,
an archbishop is very limited, especially if the environment is hostile or
indifferent. Competitors in the environment, such as evangelicals among the
Hispanics, can cause concern. Law and tradition encourage stability, but demands
and feedback from the environment stimulate adaptations of goals and procedures.
These changes are normally incremental. Different archdioceses provide different
environments, and even a single archdiocese has a variety of environmental
factors that affect governance.
Finally, what
an archbishop does is dependent not only on his personality and environment but
on the technologies available to accomplish his goals. For some of his goals
(construction, financial administration, fund raising, education), he can use
technologies that are similar to those used by secular organizations. For his
more spiritual goals, ecclesial technologies or ministries (preaching,
sacraments, etc.) that are unique to the church must be employed.
Some
technologies or ministries employed by the church are more susceptible to
bureaucratic management than others. As a result, various parts of the
archdiocese will be governed in different ways. Financial administration, for
example, can be highly routinized, even computerized, but pastoral counseling
cannot. The more intensive the technology (the more it requires professional
skills, imagination, and response to feedback), the less its use can be
controlled by regulations and a central office. Nor can many ecclesial
technologies be easily evaluated. In the face of human freedom and the mystery
of grace, ecclesial technologies for "saving souls" or promoting vocations
cannot work perfectly. In fact, measuring efficiency and effectiveness of
technologies with spiritual goals is by definition impossible, especially where
the desire is for quality as well as quantity. This uncertainty and complexity
encourages decision makers to limit the number of variables examined (bounded
rationality), to seek a satisfactory rather than optimal solution to a problem (satisficing)
and to respond with incremental rather than radical changes.
The research
for this book was done primarily through interviewing archbishops and their
cabinet-level staffs (auxiliary bishops, vicars general, chancellors,
secretaries to archbishops, moderators of the curia, and the directors of
finances, personnel, pastoral service, social service, and education). Over four
hundred persons were interviewed./5 All thirty-one archbishops (including all of
the cardinals) agreed to participate in the study and every archdiocese was
visited between June 1985 and January 1987. The interviews, most of which were
taped, provide the factual information for the study and also the opinions and
examples that are quoted in the book. In some archdioceses I was also allowed to
sit in on meetings of the archbishop's presbyteral and pastoral councils. I was
also allowed to attend meetings of some archbishops with their staffs, auxiliary
bishops, and cabinets.
Because of the
size and complexity of the Roman Catholic Church it was necessary to limit the
scope of this study. Eastern-rite churches in union with Rome were not examined
because their unique structures and traditions would require a separate book.
These churches serve only one percent of U.S. Catholics. Nor did I examine the
military archdiocese, a nonterritorial archdiocese that ministers to Catholics
in the U.S. armed forces.
The study is
limited to the thirty-one Latin-rite archbishops and archdioceses. The church in
the United States is divided into 175 geographical units called dioceses or
archdioceses depending on whether they are headed by a diocesan bishop or an
archbishop. These separate and independent sees (a generic term for dioceses and
archdioceses) cover every corner of the United States and are grouped into
thirty-one provinces each headed by an archbishop who is called the metropolitan
of the province. Some of these archbishops and diocesan bishops are assisted by
auxiliary bishops.
All together
the archbishops, diocesan bishops and auxiliary bishops add up to almost three
hundred Latin-rite bishops working in the United States, plus another eighty or
so retired bishops. Interviewing all of them is impractical. Constructing a
representative sample of these sees and their bishops (and getting them to agree
to participate) is problematic.
As a result, I
concentrated on the 31 Latin-rite archdioceses: Anchorage, Atlanta, Baltimore,
Boston, Chicago, Cincinnati, Denver, Detroit, Dubuque, Hartford, Indianapolis,
Kansas City (KS), Louisville, Los Angeles, Miami, Milwaukee, Mobile, Newark, New
Orleans, New York, Oklahoma City, Omaha, Philadelphia, Portland (OR), St. Louis,
St. Paul, San Francisco, Santa Fe, San Antonio, Seattle and Washington (DC).
These sees are called archdioceses, rather than dioceses, because each is headed
by an archbishop rather than a bishop.
As will be
explained later, an archbishop's duties and authority are the same as a bishop's
except that as metropolitan he has limited supervisory jurisdiction and
influence over the bishops in his province who are known as suffragans. Studying
archdioceses enabled me to examine a limited number that includes the most
important sees in the United States. Their archbishops are also the most
well-known Catholic prelates, and include all of the cardinals residing in the
United States. As cardinals they elect the pope.
While not a
perfectly representative sample, archdioceses are in every part of the country
which guarantees that the study is geographically representative. Archdioceses
differ from dioceses primarily in size. Although some archdioceses are very
small, they tend to be twice the size of the average diocese. The average U.S.
see has 186 diocesan priests and 286,000 Catholics, while the average
archdiocese has 395 priests and 695,000 Catholics. Archdioceses also tend to be
more Catholic, with 27 percent of their area Catholic as opposed to 22 percent
for the nation as a whole./6 Most dioceses are like the small and medium-sized
archdioceses in this study.
Archbishops do
the same things as diocesan bishops, plus a few extra things. They tend to be
more active than other bishops in the national and international church.
Archbishops also tend to be older, better educated, and more experienced at the
time of their appointments./7
Organization
Archdiocesan
governance, like any form of governance, is the result of the interaction of
numerous factors. It is primarily affected by the personality and style of the
archbishop and the makeup and needs of his archdiocese, which he governs within
the boundaries set by canon law. This book therefore begins with a chapter on
how bishops are appointed, since who is appointed has a tremendous impact on how
an archdiocese is governed. Once he is appointed, the new archbishop must govern
his particular archdiocese with the power and constraints of canon law. Chapter
2 describes the canon law governing bishops. It also shows how archdioceses vary
greatly in terms of demography, geography, institutions, and history. These
social, economic, ethnic, geographic, and cultural factors affect how an
archdiocese is governed. Chapter 3 describes the personalities and styles of
archbishops and explains what structures archbishops use in governing.
The next three
chapters then examine how archbishops deal with important parts of their
archdioceses. Chapter 4 describes the relationship between the archbishop and
his parishes. For most Catholics, their parish is the church. To reach the
people, the archbishop must work through the parish structure. Chapter 5
describes his role in the finances of the archdiocese: how he raises money, how
he decides to spend it, and how he controls spending by parishes and other
archdiocesan agencies. Chapter 6 studies his relationship to his priests,
especially through his appointment of pastors. Without the support of his
priests, he can do little. Chapter 7 describes archdiocesan governance of
Catholic schools and Catholic social services, two of the biggest ministries of
the church.
Chapter 8
examines the role of the archbishop outside his diocese, especially his
relations with the bishops of his province, the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops (NCCB), and the Vatican. Archbishops can be affected by what happens
outside their archdioceses, and they can also have an impact on the national and
international church. The Conclusion describes the episcopal decision-making
process and summarizes some of the issues archbishops must give attention to.
In all of these
chapters, the emphasis is on the role of the archbishop and his top staff: What
problems come to them? What decisions do they make? What strategies do they
follow? Through extensive quotations from the interviews, they are allowed to
tell their own stories.
Finally, it
must be remembered that this is not a static system. Archdioceses in the United
States are constantly undergoing change. Archbishops retire or die and are
replaced by new men. Archbishop Donnellan died after being interviewed.
Cardinals Manning and Krol and Archbishops Gerety and Power left office after
they were interviewed (I also interviewed the new archbishops of Atlanta,
Portland, Los Angeles, and Newark). In other archdioceses, cabinet-level staff
changed shortly before or after my visit. Even archdioceses with stable
leadership were often undergoing reorganization or changes in procedures and
policies. As a result, descriptions and examples from individual archdioceses
should be considered only snapshots of moving objects.
On the other
hand, many of the problems and issues these archbishops face are not going to go
away soon. Some archdioceses, like Los Angeles, are just now establishing
structures and programs that have been in place for some time in other
archdioceses. And as old problems are solved, new ones will arise, and it is
likely they will be approached in the ways described here. The church is always
changing and always the same.
Since this is
the first book of its kind, there will be errors and omissions. It is hoped that
more researchers will enter this vast and open field of research to correct and
build on what is here.
I wish to thank
the American archbishops who allowed me to visit their archdioceses to conduct
my interviews: Joseph Bernardin (Chicago), William D. Borders (Baltimore),
Thomas A. Donnellan and Eugene Marino (Atlanta), Patrick F. Flores (San
Antonio), Peter L. Gerety and Theodore E. McCarrick (Newark), Philip M. Hannan
(New Orleans), James A. Hickey (Washington, DC), Raymond G. Hunthausen
(Seattle), Francis T. Hurley (Anchorage), Thomas Kelly (Louisville), John Krol
(Philadelphia), Daniel Kucera (Dubuque), Bernard F. Law (Boston), Oscar Lipscomb
(Mobile), Roger Mahony and Timothy Manning (Los Angeles), John L. May (St.
Louis), Edward A. McCarthy (Miami), John J. O'Connor (New York), Edward T.
O'Meara (Indianapolis), Daniel E. Pilarczyk (Cincinnati), Cornelius M. Power and
William J. Levada (Portland, OR), John R. Quinn (San Francisco), John R. Roach
(St. Paul), Charles A. Salatka (Oklahoma City), Robert F. Sanchez (Santa Fe),
Daniel E. Sheehan (Omaha), J. Francis Stafford (Denver), Ignatius J. Strecker
(Kansas City, KS), Edmund C. Szoka (Detroit), Rembert Weakland (Milwaukee) and
John F. Whealon (Hartford). I am also grateful to their staff members whom I
also interviewed. Without their openness and hospitality this book would have
been impossible to write. If it helps them in their ministry, it will have been
worth the effort.
I am indebted
to the Woodstock Theological Center, the Loyola Foundation, the Cambridge Center
for Social Studies, America magazine, and the California Province of the
Society of Jesus for the financial support that made this study possible. Thanks
also to my agent, John Breslin, S.J., of Georgetown University. Finally, I am
grateful for the hospitality and encouragement of my Jesuit brothers and
colleagues, especially those at the Woodstock Theological Center at Georgetown
University and America magazine in New York City. Other Jesuits welcomed
me into their communities as I traveled from archdiocese to archdiocese.
Finally, I am especially grateful to those who read the manuscript and gave me
both encouragement and many useful suggestions, especially Msgr. John Tracy
Ellis, Msgr. George Higgins, Dean Hoge, Rev. James H. Provost (all four of the
Catholic University of America), Joseph Fichter, S.J., of Loyola University of
New Orleans, Aaron Wildavsky of the University of California, Berkeley, Albert
G. McCarthy of the Loyola Foundation, my editors at Harper & Row, and three
archbishops who will remain nameless. Although numerous people have helped me
while writing this book, I am solely responsible for its contents.
Footnotes
1. Chester I.
Barnard, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938), 5.The Functions of
the Executive
2. Eugene C.
Kennedy, M.M., and Victor J. Heckler, The Catholic Priest in the United
States: Psychological Investigations (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic
Conference, 1972), 216.
3. For a
cybernetic analysis of the church, see Patrick Granfield, Ecclesial
Cybernetics: A Study of Democracy in the Church (New York: Macmillan, 1973).
4. James D.
Thompson, Organizations in Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967).
5. All
quotations that are not footnoted are from these interviews.
6. The
Official Catholic Directory 1988 (Wilmette, IL: P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 1988).
Estimates of the percentage of Catholic population in the United States by
Gallup are higher than estimates in the directory. See Dean Hoge, Future of
Catholic Leadership (Kansas City, KS.: Sheed & Ward, 1987), 228.
7. Thomas J.
Reese, S.J., "A Survey of the American Bishops," America 149 (November
12, 1983): 287.
Chapter 1: The Selection of Bishops
We try to find the
"saint" who fits the niche.
Archbishop Laghi
God help us all.
Mother on learning
that her son was appointed archbishop.
From the time
Matthias was chosen by lot to replace Judas as one of the twelve apostles, the
process by which bishops, the successors of the apostles, are selected has been
an important and often controversial issue in the church.\1 Over the centuries
the process has changed.\2 Even the United States has known different methods of
selecting bishops.\3 During most of this century, however, the U.S. bishops and
archbishops have been appointed by the Pope with the aid of his representative
in Washington who is called a pro-nuncio.
It is not easy to
become one of the thirty-one archbishops in the United States. According to
canon law, an archbishop, like any bishop, must be a Catholic single male, at
least thirty-five years of age and an ordained priest for at least five years.\4
In fact, the average American archbishop is fifty-three years of age at the time
of his appointment. Normally (90 percent of the time) a priest is already a
bishop before being made an archbishop. He might have been an auxiliary bishop
or a diocesan bishop. An auxiliary bishop helps a diocesan bishop, who heads a
diocese, or an archbishop, who heads an archdiocese. An auxiliary bishop is
often promoted to diocesan bishop before he is becomes an archbishop. Thus an
archbishop is usually not only a bishop (90 percent of the time), but also the
head of a diocese (61 percent of the time) at the time of his appointment. In
only about 10 percent of the cases, a priest who is not a bishop is made an
archbishop as happened in the case of Oscar Lipscomb of Mobile.
What is the system
that selects such men to be archbishops?
Bishops and
archbishops are appointed by the pope, and they normally stay in office until
they die or reach seventy-five years of age. The process leading up to the
appointments involves a limited number of participants. It is a process shrouded
in secrecy with the participants bound by pontifical secret about the names
under consideration. "ANY VIOLATION OF THIS SECRET NOT ONLY CONSTITUTES A
GRAVE FAULT, BUT IS ALSO A CRIME PUNISHABLE WITH A CORRESPONDING ECCLESIASTICAL
PENALTY" warns the pro-nuncio in large bold print when requesting
information on a candidate for the office of bishop.\5 Although unwilling to
reveal the names and backgrounds of episcopal candidates, key participants were
willing to describe to me the process itself, but most did not want to be quoted
by name.
In examining the
process, it is important to distinguish between this first appointment of a
priest as a bishop and his later promotion to a higher position, for example,
from auxiliary to diocesan bishop (who heads a diocese--called an ordinary under
the old code of canon law) or from bishop to archbishop. The process for
selecting an archbishop is fundamentally the same as that for selecting any
diocesan bishop. It should be remembered, however, that the pope can make any
priest a bishop or archbishop if he wishes.
Province Candidates
For first
appointments, the process begins when all the bishops (including auxiliaries) of
an ecclesiastical province meet under the chairmanship of their archbishop to
consider the names of priests who are possible candidates for the episcopacy.\6
The United States is divided into thirty-one Latin-rite provinces, each headed
by an archbishop who is called the metropolitan. The other bishops of the
province are called suffragans. The bishops of a province must meet at least
once every three years for this purpose, although they often meet once a year.
In Chicago, however, Cardinal John Cody refused to call a province meeting for
many years.
Every bishop in a
province has the right to put forward the names of priests he believes would be
good bishops. These names are collected by the archbishop and distributed to all
of the bishops prior to their meeting. Included with the names is a brief
description of each priest's education and his assignments since his ordination.
At the meeting, the
bishops share their information and observations on each candidate. They are
supposed to indicate whether their information is derived from firsthand
knowledge or from what they have heard from others. This is the only stage in
the selection process where a group of non-Vatican officials meets to discuss
the names of episcopal candidates. Anyone can individually send in names to the
pro-nuncio in Washington, DC, but meeting in groups to discuss names is strictly
forbidden.
The Vatican "Norms
for the Selection of Candidates for the Episcopacy in the Latin Church" is very
explicit about the qualities the provincial bishops should look for in a
candidate. He must be "a good pastor of souls and teacher of the Faith." They
must examine whether the candidates
enjoy a good
reputation; whether they are of irreproachable morality; whether they are
endowed with right judgment and prudence; whether they are even-tempered and of
stable character; whether they firmly hold the orthodox Faith; whether they are
devoted to the Apostolic See and faithful to the magisterium of the church;
whether they have a thorough knowledge of dogmatic and moral theology and canon
law; whether they are outstanding for their piety, their spirit of sacrifice and
their pastoral zeal; whether they have an aptitude for governing.\7
Consideration must
also be given to "intellectual qualities, studies completed, social sense,
spirit of dialogue and cooperation, openness to the signs of the times,
praise-worthy impartiality, family background, health, age and inherited
characteristics."\8
The diocesan bishops
are instructed to "take care to obtain all the information needed for carrying
out this important and difficult duty."\9 They are encouraged to consult,
"although not collectively, priests of the cathedral chapter or diocesan
consultors, or members of the council of priests, or other members of the
clergy, diocesan or regular, or members of the laity."\10 Although no cathedral
chapters exist in the United States, diocesan consultors and priests' councils
play an important role in diocesan governance. By specifically mentioning them,
the Vatican recognizes that their members would be knowledgeable of the diocese
and possible episcopal candidates. Individual members of these consultative
organs can be approached for information by their bishop, but group
consultations are forbidden.
Vatican officials are
very adamant in their opposition to collective or group consultations, because
they fear such meetings can be divisive and lead to politicking and pressure
group activity. "Nothing resembling group consultations, canvasses or
referendums may take place," wrote the pro-nuncio Archbishop Pio Laghi in 1983
to a group of seventy people in Pittsburgh who wanted to be consulted as a
group. "This process," explains Thomas P. Doyle, O.P., former secretary to the
pro-nuncio, "can never rely on popularity or prevailing opinion of what the
church `ought to be' but on what the church actually is in light of the needs of
the local community and the universal church."\11
"People write on
their own, even without being consulted," observed one participant. "They write
to the pro-nuncio and to Rome [indicating] whether they want a particular man."
When groups ignore canon law and lobby, it is often against a particular
candidate rather than for one. But individuals and groups will also push a
particular priest they want to become a bishop. "We usually look upon that with
a critical eye," said a participant in the process. "If there is any indication
of politicking or even the man himself engineering the campaign, it works to his
detriment. But sometimes it is very spontaneous, the priest is loved and
respected. The clergy, laity, and religious would like him considered to be
their next bishop, and he is, in fact, chosen. Vox populi." This appears to have
happened in San Antonio where numerous people and organizations wrote in favor
of the appointment of Archbishop Patrick Flores.
One of the first
bishops to be aggressive in consulting his priests about episcopal candidates
was Bishop Ernest Primeau of Manchester, NH. In 1967 he wrote his presbyterate
asking each priest to send him the names of three priests judged by them to be
suitable for the episcopacy. The bishop alone saw and tabulated the returns. He
then presented the top three names to the provincial meeting of the bishops.
This approach became know as the Manchester plan and was promoted by the
National Federation of Priests' Councils.\12
According to a survey
by the Canon Law Society of America's Committee on the Selection of Bishops,
bishops who consult their dioceses about potential candidates usually do this by
letter. They ask priests and sometimes others in the diocese to submit names of
priests they think ought to be considered. Rev. James H. Provost reports,
however, that the "returns to such mailed requests are reported to be low."\13
One official involved in the process said, "Priests do not appreciate the
importance of letters from bishops asking for names. If only 10 percent respond
and they are old pastors who want someone who will not threaten them, then that
is what they will get."
The candidates
nominated by the bishops must be priests who have somehow come to their notice.
As a result, normally all of the priests nominated at a province meeting are
from the province. The exceptions usually occur when the bishops want a black or
Hispanic candidate, and they cannot find a suitable priest within the province.
Most candidates are diocesan priests, but the bishops can nominate priests who
are members of religious orders. Often the religious appointed bishops in the
United States have been black or Hispanic priests.
The candidates put
forward by a bishop are usually from his current diocese or from one where he
served as a priest or bishop. These are the priests he knows best. Since many
bishops have worked in archdioceses either as priests or auxiliary bishops, it
is probable that a larger percentage of the province candidates come from
archdioceses than their numbers would call for. The presence of auxiliaries at
the meetings also mean that the bigger (usually archdiocesan) sees have extra
votes at the province meeting. Finally, as chairman of the meeting, the
archbishop could also help push forward archdiocesan priests. Since the names of
the candidates are secret, this hypothesis cannot be tested. It is clear,
however, that while 36 percent of the diocesan priests in the United States are
in archdioceses, half the bishops originally came from archdioceses.
"Few bishops know any
of the priests from far away dioceses," explains Archbishop Jean Jadot who was
Apostolic Delegate to the United States from May 1973 to December 1980. "If the
diocese had been divided in two, then they would know, but the link becomes less
and less every year." Bishops have difficulties getting information on priests
outside of dioceses where they have worked.
Bishops would know
priests from other dioceses if they studied with them at an interdiocesan
seminary, at the Catholic University of America, or at the North American
College in Rome. Bishops who had been professors or administrators in
interdiocesan seminaries would also know many priests who had studied there as
seminarians.
Finally, priests who
hold diocesan or national offices would also become known to bishops. This
reinforces the natural tendency of a bishop to nominate priests from his
chancery staff or seminary. It is not surprising that chancellors, secretaries
to bishops, and seminary rectors have a better chance of getting nominated at
province meetings than the pastor of a rural parish. They are better known to
the bishops, and as one archbishop said, "They're more gifted and more
experienced."
Thus at this very
first stage in the selection process, we see some of the forces that help push
forward candidates who are from an archdiocese, who have worked in a chancery or
a seminary, and who have studied in Rome or at the Catholic University of
America.\14 These characteristics will be reinforced as the process goes on.
Province List
After the bishops
have discussed the candidates, they vote on them by secret ballot in order to
preserve the complete freedom of each one voting. The vote can be "white" (yes)
or "black" (no) or neutral. Often a bishop will abstain from voting (neutral)
because he does not know the candidate. The colors refer to small balls that
were used for voting in the past. A "neutral" bishop is encouraged to learn
about the candidate, since all the candidates will be voted on again at the next
meeting when names can be added or deleted from the list.
After the votes are
taken, the archbishop may ask for more discussion and another vote, if he
believes it would be useful. He then is responsible for forwarding the names to
the pro-nuncio in Washington, DC, together with the minutes of the meeting. The
report, besides giving the votes, indicates the office (e.g., auxiliary or
diocesan bishop) and the type of diocese (large, medium, or small) for which the
bishops believe the candidate is suitable.
The form used
indicates the candidate's name, diocese, parents' names, schools attended and
degrees received, date and place of ordination to the priesthood, foreign
languages known (in the United States, Spanish is very important), appointments
since ordination, "an appraisal of the candidate in view of qualities necessary
for a good pastor of souls and teacher of the faith," and the "names and
addresses of associates (clerical, lay, religious) who could give information
about the candidate."
The appraisal varies
in length from three lines to half of a page. To show that a priest would be a
"good pastor of souls" the evaluation might indicate that the candidate is
pastor of a "large, active parish" that he, "in collegial cooperation with his
staff, has made a model of vigorous parish life...." Or a seminary rector might
be described as "highly disciplined while at the same time in close contact with
the thinking and trends of priestly formation today."
In the evaluation, it
is usually important to indicate how the priest is viewed by his peers. If he
has been elected president of the priests' council, this would be mentioned. If
the priests have been asked to send in names for an auxiliary, the evaluation
might note where he ranked in the consultation conducted among the priests. Or
the appraisal might indicate that he "played a leadership role among his brother
priests. He is highly respected by clergy and laity alike."
Finally, if there is
something about the candidate that might raise questions, this would be
addressed. For example, if he is elderly, the evaluation would note "he has good
health, a vigorous spirit." Or if he is relatively young, "he is very mature,
balanced."
The list of
candidates is also sent to the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB),
which has a standing Committee on the Selection of Bishops. This committee was
formed during Cardinal John Dearden's term as president of the NCCB shortly
after the new norms on the selection of bishops were issued by the Vatican in
1972.
Early on, however,
"it was found that it could not effectively function," reports Bishop James W.
Malone, NCCB president (1983-86). "It still exists, but it does not meet for the
purpose in its title." In a conference the size of the United States, most
members of the committee do not know the priests who are being considered for
the episcopacy. As a result, they have little to contribute. The committee
spends most of its time considering the division of dioceses. "The committee
never met in my three years as president for the consideration of names of
candidates," recalls Archbishop John R. Roach, NCCB president from 1980 to 1983.
The number of names
on the list varies depending on the size of the province; it might include
anywhere from five to thirty names. The votes on the candidates are not always
unanimous. Archbishop Jadot explains: "The voting varies. In a tiny minority,
when everyone knows the priest, he gets all positive votes. If he is less known,
he gets a number of positive votes and abstentions. And some are contested, half
and half. It would be very exceptional to send a name that got a negative vote.
This happens when a name, for some reason, is removed from the list."
How important is this
list of candidates? Under canon law, the pro-nuncio could nominate for diocesan
bishop someone not from this pool of candidates, and the pope could appoint any
priest he wanted. In fact, the list appears to be very important. "It would be
exceptional," reports Archbishop Jadot, "if a bishop were appointed without
being on the list. He might not be on the list of the province where he was
appointed, but he would be on some list."
There is some
speculation, however, that the lists are not always used. For example, a number
of observers doubted that Bishops Edward M. Egan and Norbert M. Dorsey were on
any province list. These priests were working in Rome when they were appointed
auxiliaries in New York (1985) and Miami (1986). A bishop also reported to me
that a Hispanic religious from his province became a bishop without being on the
list.
Certainly the ten
black Catholic bishops consider the province lists important. At a closed-door
meeting of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops in 1985, they called for
the appointment of more black bishops, including a black archbishop. They said,
it was not enough that urban diocesan bishops with large black communities look
for black auxiliaries. "It would be better," they said, "if black candidates
were proposed and considered regularly at provincial meetings in the same way
that other candidates are regularly considered. In that way the names of
talented black priests who could serve with distinction in the episcopacy would
be submitted to the Nunciature and the Holy See on a regular basis."\15
Pro-nuncio
The key actor in the
next step in the process is the pro-nuncio, the papal representative who resides
in the Nunciature, or Vatican embassy, in Washington, DC.\16 Archbishop Jadot,
the papal representative from 1973 to 1980, is credited with the appointment of
many pastoral bishops in the United States. The current representative, Pio
Laghi, was appointed apostolic delegate in December 1980 and became pro-nuncio
in 1984. As pro-nuncio, Archbishop Pio Laghi represents the Holy See to both the
U.S. government and to the American Catholic hierarchy. Prior to the
reestablishment of formal diplomatic relations between the United States and the
Holy See in 1984, the pope's representative to the American hierarchy was an
apostolic delegate.\17
After Archbishop
Laghi receives the names from the provinces, he places them in a green binder
where they are organized in different ways: alphabetically, by province, by
ethnic group, etc.
The role of the
pro-nuncio in the appointment of bishops is emphasized by all the participants
and by all those who have studied the process. He is the one who sends the names
of episcopal candidates to Rome together with his evaluation and report. "My
role is not just to get information, to just give the facts, but to help the
Holy See understand what the facts mean," explained Archbishop Jadot.\18 "The
pro-nuncio is very important in the process of choosing bishops," reports the
American church historian Msgr. John Tracy Ellis. "Pio Laghi stands very high in
Rome."
But the pro-nuncio is
not all powerful. His recommendations are influenced by the American bishops and
they must be confirmed by Rome if they are to take effect. Archbishop Jadot, for
example, who had great influence while Paul VI was pope, lost the confidence of
Rome during the reign of John Paul II. On the other hand, Jadot's predecessor,
Archbishop Luigi Raimondi, lost the confidence of the American bishops who asked
Rome to remove him.
Government Interference
With the
establishment of diplomatic relations with the Holy See, some people fear that
the American government might attempt to interfere in the appointment of bishops
as have many governments through history. The National Association of Laity (NAL)
joined Americans and Others United for Separation of Church and State in seeking
a court injunction against the establishment of diplomatic relations. In its
brief the NAL. complained of "the potential for Government intrusion into the
internal affairs of the Roman Catholic Church," thus reducing their input into
church affairs. The Justice Department responded that such fears are "pure
speculation," but that if "the effectiveness of plaintiffs' input were to
suffer, that diminution would not be traceable to any act of the United States
Government, but to decisions of the church hierarchy."\19
In other words, the
Justice Department said, if the president through his ambassador gets the pope
to appoint a certain person the bishop of a diocese, then the NAL should
complain to the pope, not the U.S. government. Since the court sided with the
government, the Justice Department's brief should make Catholics nervous about
how the U.S. ambassador to the Holy See might be used.
President Roosevelt,
for example, tried to get Bishop Bernard Sheil appointed as the archbishop of
Chicago in 1939. "He is about the only prominent churchman in the country who
has even a faint coloration of liberalism," wrote Secretary of the Interior
Harold Ickes in his diaries.\20 When that effort failed, President Roosevelt
tried to get Sheil appointed the archbishop of Washington, DC. In a memorandum
to Myron Taylor, his representative to the Holy See, the president wrote, "it is
important that he be a reputable and liberal-minded bishop. Bishop Bernard J.
Sheil, who was understudy to Cardinal Mundelein [of Chicago] would be an
agreeable choice."\21 Taylor approached Cardinal Luigi Maglione, the papal
secretary of state, but again Roosevelt was unsuccessful. Secretary Ickes
complained to his diary, "I do not think that the Vatican would have dared turn
him [the president] down if he had made strong representations."\22
Because of the
opposition of the American Catholic bishops to the Reagan administration's
economic and nuclear policies, some bishops feared the administration would use
its ambassador to the Holy See to attack them in Rome. One archbishop claims
that Ambassador William A. Wilson, a California Catholic, gave a list of twenty
or thirty troublesome bishops to the Vatican. Ambassador Wilson denies this.
Ambassador Wilson and
the State Department say that they avoid discussing the internal affairs of the
American Catholic church with Vatican officials.\23 This policy goes back to
1784 when Benjamin Franklin was approached by the papal nuncio at Versailles
concerning the appointment of bishops in the United States. The Continental
Congress instructed Doctor Franklin to notify the nuncio that the question was
outside its jurisdiction. Despite these instructions, Franklin appears to have
recommended John Carroll anyway.\24 In 1848 Secretary of State Buchanan
instructed the first chargé d'affaires in Rome to "carefully avoid even the
appearance of interfering in ecclesiastical questions, whether these relate to
the United States or any other portion of the world."\25
Auxiliaries
After the names of
potential candidates have been sent to the pro-nuncio by the archbishops, the
next step in the process depends on whether the position to be filled is that of
an auxiliary or a diocesan bishop. A diocesan bishop heads a diocese while an
auxiliary helps a diocesan bishop. If a diocesan bishop wants an auxiliary, he
must first convince the pro-nuncio that there is a need. If his auxiliary has
died or been promoted, this will not be difficult. If he wants an auxiliary in a
diocese that has never had one or if he requests an additional auxiliary, he
will have to make his case.\26
The size of an
archdiocese is the major factor in determining the number of auxiliary bishops
it will have. An archdiocese with over 200,000 Catholics will normally have an
auxiliary.\27 In 1987, archdioceses with one auxiliary ranged from 206,382
(Omaha) to 537,810 Catholics (Cincinnati). Two auxiliaries were present in
archdioceses with 237,560 (Dubuque) to 771,908 Catholics (Hartford).
Archdioceses with three auxiliaries ranged from 391,208 (Washington) to 600,469
(St. Paul). Archdioceses with over 1 million Catholics usually had five or six
auxiliaries.
Thus, an archbishop
might argue that he needs help because of the size of the archdiocese. Sometimes
the pro-nuncio responds by saying that if the archdiocese is too large perhaps
it should be split. Fear of this response might discourage an archbishop from
asking for an auxiliary. But if a large archdiocese cannot be easily split, one
or more auxiliaries might be appointed. Two or more auxiliaries are more likely
to be appointed in large archdioceses where the archbishop will delegate
authority to them over regions of the archdiocese.
Other reasons given
for an auxiliary might be that a large ethnic or racial group in the diocese
requires special attention. Some archbishops also need help because they must
devote time to work outside the diocese. A bishop might also ask for an
auxiliary because his health is poor, but in this case the pro-nuncio might
suggest that the bishop retire. Although a bishop could petition Rome for an
auxiliary without the support of the pro-nuncio, it is highly unlikely that he
would be successful.
Finally, even if an
auxiliary is clearly needed, there appears to be an unwritten law that if a
bishop is less than five years from retirement, then no auxiliary will be
appointed, lest he be imposed on the new bishop. Cardinals appear to be exempt
from this rule, as can been seen from the two Los Angeles auxiliaries (William
J. Levada and Donald Montrose) appointed in May 1983, a year and a half prior to
Cardinal Timothy Manning's seventy-fifth birthday. Within a year of Archbishop
Roger M. Mahony's arrival in Los Angeles, both bishops were promoted to their
own sees.
Where an auxiliary
bishop is needed to help a diocesan bishop, it is the responsibility of the
diocesan bishop to draw up a list of three names, a ternus or terna,\28
and submit it to the pro-nuncio.\29 The process presumes that the diocesan
bishop, as head of the diocese, knows who will best help him in his diocese. The
pro-nuncio, however, also does his own investigation of the priests and sends
the names to Rome with his report and recommendations. When a diocesan bishop is
being chosen, it is the pro-nuncio who constructs the ternus which he sends to
Rome.
The names proposed in
a ternus by a diocesan bishop will normally come from the list of priests who
had been proposed by the province bishops. If one of the bishop's candidates is
not from this list, the pro-nuncio will want to know why. Sometimes the bishop
responds that he was not on the list because the bishop did not want to lose him
to another diocese: "I wanted to save him." But if the priest was not proposed
at the province level because the other bishops would not support him, then his
candidacy as an auxiliary is in trouble. The pro-nuncio or Rome can reject all
three names on the ternus.
Archbishop Jadot
explains, "Sometimes I would know it was useless to send the names to Rome, and
I would say, `Please put another name forward.' If I turned down a terna, I
would inform Rome that I couldn't accept it." Sometimes a name may be rejected
because the priest is considered too young. "The ordinary does not always get
the auxiliary he wants," explained a participant in the process, "He usually
gets one of the three names he proposes but not always the first name." One
archbishop said that under Archbishop Jadot, "When I saw three names, I would
know who would be appointed. Laghi is more unpredictable than Jadot. More third
choices are selected."
Archbishop Jadot
reports, "I never saw an auxiliary imposed on a bishop against his will." Others
agree that a ternus for an auxiliary is never sent to Rome without the knowledge
and consent of the diocesan bishop. "If there is no agreement between a bishop
and Rome," says Jadot, it is "a stalemate--then there is no appointment." This
appears to have happened in Chicago under Cardinal Cody, who had only two
auxiliaries in their midsixties when he died. Within fifteen months of his
appointment as archbishop of Chicago, Cardinal Joseph Bernardin received four
new auxiliaries. As the second largest diocese in the country, Chicago needed
additional auxiliaries. In addition, Cardinal Bernardin needed auxiliaries so as
to be free to devote time to work for the NCCB and the synod of bishops.
Cardinal Bernardin says that as archbishop of Cincinnati he got whom he wanted
for auxiliary. In Chicago, he was satisfied with the four auxiliaries he
received.
Recently, however,
some observers have concluded that auxiliaries are being "imposed" on some
bishops, but in the cases usually cited, the diocesan bishops consented to the
appointments. Especially noteworthy were three appointees who had served as
priests in Rome. Cardinal O'Connor, for example, accepted the appointment of
Bishop Edward M. Egan as his auxiliary in 1985 because the pope asked him to,
despite the fact that the cardinal did not even know Egan. The cardinal, since
he was not himself from New York, made it plain to his priests that if he were
choosing an auxiliary himself it would be a New York archdiocesan priest.
The same year,
Archbishop Raymond G. Hunthausen of Seattle also accepted an auxiliary, Donald
W. Wuerl, whom he did not request.\30 Likewise David Foley was sent to Richmond
as an auxiliary. These two bishops had special faculties because Rome had lost
confidence in the local diocesan bishops. Similarly, a coadjutor with special
faculties was appointed in Lafayette, LA, after the bishop was sued for
negligence in dealing with priests accused of pedophilia. In the past, such
special appointments were normally made when the bishop was financially
incompetent.
Sometimes an
auxiliary from outside is suggested by the pro-nuncio because no one local could
clear the hurdles. For example, in Miami it is reported that Archbishop Edward
A. McCarthy's ternus was turned down, and he was then offered Norbert M. Dorsey,
C.P., whom he accepted in 1986. Defending the appointment, a Vatican official
pointed out that there are few native priests in Florida and no native bishops.
Most of the Miami priests are from dioceses in the Northeast, Cuba, or Ireland.
Miami already had a Cuban auxiliary. The Vatican will rarely consider an
Irish-born priest as a candidate for bishop in the United States because
preference is given to native clergy. Some people suspect that the Miami priests
were so divided that an outsider was considered necessary. As one archbishop
explained, "In a couple of dioceses there was difficulty getting auxiliaries
because every time a name would surface and the word would go around, the caucus
would go to work doing a sack job on the candidate." In fact, after the Miami
priests and people got to know Bishop Dorsey, he was very well received.
In another diocese,
each ternus the bishop sent in was rejected by Rome. Only later did he discover
that the retired bishop of the diocese was using his influence in Rome to kill
the recommendations in the hope of getting his own candidate appointed. Finally
the bishop put a priest from outside his diocese on the ternus. That priest was
appointed although he was not the bishop's first choice.
Frequently in order
to get a black or Hispanic auxiliary, the diocesan bishop will accept someone
from outside (often a religious) suggested by the pro-nuncio. This appears to
have happened in Detroit, Los Angeles, Newark, and Washington. On the other
hand, Archbishop Flores of San Antonio reportedly tried to have Rev. Virgil
Elizondo, director of the Mexican American Cultural Center, made his auxiliary.
Instead a sixty-five-year-old Polish priest, who had spent his life working with
Hispanics, was made auxiliary.
Although there has
been much criticism of Roman interference in the appointment of auxiliaries,
allowing bishops a free hand in choosing their auxiliaries is not without its
critics. One official notes:
I think that a
diocesan bishop has entirely too much control over the appointment of auxiliary
bishops in his own diocese, which is not very healthy. Oftentimes they are
rubber stamps to his own ecclesiology and his own vision of the church, whether
that is in one direction or the other. A man should not be appointed just
because he would make a good auxiliary without any regard to his potential
leadership ability to become an ordinary.
Monsignor Ellis also
criticizes diocesan bishops on their choices of auxiliaries: "The church's
history reveals many instances where outstanding prelates could not,
nonetheless, bring themselves to advance a priest of superior quality lest the
latter should outshine them."\31 But some archbishops have chosen auxiliaries
who make up for their own weaknesses. For example, Archbishop James Casey of
Denver, a quiet introvert, strongly supported his more outgoing auxiliary George
R. Evans. Likewise Archbishop John Quinn of San Francisco, who hates
administration, delegated a good deal to his auxiliary, Bishop Daniel Walsh.
Diocesan Bishops
Before the ternus is
sent to Rome, the pro-nuncio does his own investigation of the candidates and
the needs of the diocese. "We try to find the saint who fits the niche,"
explains Archbishop Laghi. If the appointment is as a diocesan bishop, the
pro-nuncio will request from the retiring diocesan bishop (or if he is deceased
or moved to another diocese, from the administrator) a report on the condition
and needs of the diocese and the qualities desired in the diocesan bishop.
Priests, religious, and laity can be consulted both individually and
collectively in drawing up this report, as long as individual names are not
mentioned.
The Canon Law Society
of America (CLSA) recommended a series of questions to help the consultative
process:
1. In your opinion,
what are the three most important needs of the diocese today?
2. In the light of
the needs you have listed, what do you feel are the desirable qualifications of
the next bishop of this diocese?
3. Please list three
persons you feel would be good choices for the next bishop, and explain why.\32
Bishops, following
Roman instructions, have not allowed the use of the last question in public
consultations. Public discussion has been limited to the state of the diocese
and its needs and the qualifications desired in the bishop.
In St. Louis in 1979,
four reports--from the archdiocesan consultors, the pastoral commission, the
council of priests, and the council of religious women--were also drawn up and
sent to the apostolic delegate. This process was public and involved wide
consultation, but there was no public discussion of names.
On the other hand, in
Denver after the death of Archbishop Casey in 1986, the administrator says that
he was told by Archbishop Laghi to meet with a group of priests to draw up the
report and to also submit the names of possible candidates. There clearly was a
misunderstanding here since Rome never authorizes group consultation on the
names of candidates. In any case, the administrator met with the Denver priests'
council, which discussed and voted on a list of names, most of whom were bishops
in the region. Bishop J. Francis Stafford of Memphis, who got the appointment,
was not on their list. This group consultation does not seem to have had any
negative consequences. Some of the Denver priests felt that the pro-nuncio
already knew who was going to be appointed before they were consulted, but
others felt that Archbishop Stafford fit the description of the type of person
they were looking for although his name did not come up.
In the early 1970s,
some priests' senates simply took the initiative and drew up lists of
candidates. As elected organizations representing priests, they had a special
interest in who was chosen to be their bishop. When Cardinal Lawrence Shehan was
approaching retirement in 1972, the Baltimore priests' senate appointed a
subcommittee to address the question of his successor. The subcommittee prepared
"A Report on the State of the Archdiocese of Baltimore--1972" which was mailed
to all the priests and approved by a 225 to 11 vote.\33 In 1973 the subcommittee
drew up a list of candidates who were compatible with the priorities expressed
in the report. This list was not made public, but information on the
qualifications of these candidates was gathered and discussed by the
subcommittee. A list of ten men in order of preference was given to the cardinal
along with the report on the archdiocese. The cardinal gave the report but not
the names to Pope Paul VI and members of the Vatican curia. He later shared both
the report and the names with a number of American bishops. Meanwhile the
apostolic delegate conducted his own inquiries, and in 1974, William D. Borders
was appointed archbishop. He "was one of the candidates recommended highly by
the subcommittee."\34
Also in 1974, on the
recommendation of Archbishop James P. Davis, the priests' senate of Santa Fe
established an ad hoc committee to gather information and submit recommendations
to the apostolic delegate for the appointment of his successor.\35 This
committee included lay, religious, and clerical representatives chosen from the
priests' senate and the pastoral council. It followed the procedures recommended
by the Canon Law Society of America including the soliciting and discussion of
names. The committee sent to Archbishop Jadot a report on the needs of the
archdiocese and the results of a survey that surfaced 65 names. The committee
recommended three as the most qualified, including Robert F. Sanchez, who was
appointed.
In the Los Angeles
archdiocese, on the other hand, there was no public consultation in 1985, nor
was there any in Philadelphia in 1987. Rev. Thomas Curry, chairman of the
priests' council in Los Angeles, had seen the consultation process in Phoenix
and New Mexico and was not impressed.
I wouldn't want to do
it in our diocese. This would be putting people through all kinds of meetings
and all kinds of trouble to come up with a picture or a profile of the diocese
that I could tell you right out of my head now. Or else to come up with a
profile of the kind of man you need. What we need is a combination of Jesus and
a few other people. We all know that, but to do that is to raise expectations
that you can't fulfill.
Sometimes this
consultation process is short-circuited by announcing the appointment of a new
bishop at the same time as the resignation of the old bishop. This was done in
Portland, OR, and Newark in 1986 where the archbishops retired early and their
successors were appointed without any public consultation. Even when a bishop
reaches seventy-five, the acceptance of his resignation may not be announced
until his successor is appointed, as was the case in Philadelphia. A
resignation, though accepted, is not effective until published in the
L'Osservatore Romano. This Nunc pro tunc (Now for then) policy allows
the bishop to remain bishop without becoming the administrator. But it also
eliminates any public consultation for drawing up the report.
The report on the
diocese is sent by the administrator to the pro-nuncio together with ten to
twenty names of people from various age groups and parts of the diocese whom the
pro-nuncio can contact to check the accuracy of the report. "Usually the heads
of the various administrative bodies and other persons in leadership positions
are contacted," explains Thomas P. Doyle, O.P., then of the pro-nuncio's
staff.\36 Normally, heads of religious orders in the diocese would be queried as
well as lay people who are officers in diocesan lay organizations and members of
advisory committees in the diocese. Some people the pro-nuncio may have met
personally in his travels, but many names are simply taken by the pro-nuncio
from those listed under the name of the diocese in The Official Catholic
Directory. These people are not only asked about the state of the diocese
but are also asked to recommend names of possible candidates to the pro-nuncio.
The condition and
makeup of the diocese as described in the report can influence the appointment.
Thus Atlanta, a city with a history of good black-white relations, received
Eugene A. Marino, the first black U.S. archbishop. Coincidentally, this took
place one week after Jesse Jackson won the 1988 Democratic presidential primary
in Georgia. Likewise, with large Hispanic populations, the archdioceses of San
Antonio and Santa Fe were natural spots for Hispanic archbishops. Los Angeles
also needed someone who would be sensitive to Hispanics. Roger Mahony not only
knows Spanish but had been very active on behalf of Hispanics in California
before he was appointed archbishop of Los Angeles.
When the New York see
was vacant, Rev. Fred Voorhes, a staff member of the Congregation for Bishops,
noted that "The second language of New York is Spanish, so whether or not a man
speaks Spanish is one of consideration for that appointment." In fact, John
O'Connor could not speak Spanish when he was appointed, but one of the first
things he did was to learn it. On another point, Father Voorhes was more
accurate in his prediction: "He has to be comfortable with mass media,
especially in New York, the communications capital of the nation and perhaps
even of the world."\37
The style of the last
bishop can also influence the appointment. Archbishop Jadot recalls,
A bishop is appointed
to balance what went before. If the diocese is well managed, but the bishop did
not have contact with the people, if he was authoritarian, or a weak
administrator [then the opposite would be appointed]. McFarland was sent to Reno
in 1974 because it was financially out of hand. Sometimes a bishop might be only
concerned with schools and not social programs. There might be diocesan problems
hanging around unresolved. The diocese might have to be divided and the bishop
has been opposing it or procrastinating--"after my time." Certainly in Chicago
the way of operating as bishop was a factor in the choice of Bernardin.
Influence of Bishops
Bishops who have
previously served in this diocese, they would normally be contacted about the
needs of the diocese and possible candidates. Cardinal Bernardin of Chicago says
he has been consulted on appointments in places where he had served, like South
Carolina.
The pro-nuncio must
also seek suggestions individually from the bishops and the archbishop in the
province to which the vacant diocese belongs.\38 Other bishops and archbishops
in the region might also be consulted. If all of these bishops agree on a
candidate, his chances of being appointed are high. "It is much easier to get
the appointment through," Archbishop Laghi told one archbishop, "when you all
sing with one voice."
But one archbishop
suspected that there was also a hidden purpose in consulting bishops on other
bishops and dioceses. "It is not so much what they want to learn about someone
else as they want to have another little insight on you," he says, "what you
reveal about yourself when you start talking about the other diocese."
The metropolitan can
play an important role in the appointment of bishops in his province. Some
archbishops have taken a very active role. One told me,
Since I came as
metropolitan, I fought hard to get what I thought was necessary for the
vacancies that occurred. In one instance, I feared the appointment of a
candidate even weaker than the predecessor. I urged a particular candidate who I
knew could do the job, but there were a lot of counter-proposals. Eventually,
with the support of the suffragans, excellent men were chosen, the ones I had
hoped for. Maybe I shouldn't have been so insistent, but I thought that was the
way I was supposed to do it.
Archbishop Borders of
Baltimore reports that he always got the men he wanted for suffragans or bishops
in his province. "It wasn't easy a couple of times, but I really did," he says.
"The Holy See listens. Sometimes you have to make things rather strong."
"I did not
necessarily always get the first person that I suggested for the see," says
Cardinal Bernardin. "But I was satisfied that I was consulted and listened to. I
was pleased with the people who were ultimately chosen."
Other archbishops
have been less successful. Sometimes their suggestions were ignored, and
sometimes they were not even consulted about the person who ultimately got the
see. One archbishop got involved in two appointments in his province, but the
final choice in both cases was someone he was not even asked about. Another
archbishop said that the two suffragans appointed in his province were not his
choices. A third archbishop said the man appointed was not his first choice but
was acceptable. The ignoring of archbishops is not unique to the United States.
Cardinal Franz Konig of Vienna said that he was not consulted on the selection
of his successor.\39
Some archbishops take
little interest in the appointments of bishops in their province. Others say
they don't know the diocese or the priests well enough to make a recommendation.
One claimed not to be of much help even in the appointment of his successor.
I told the delegate,
"when it comes right down to it, I don't know a whole heck of a lot about these
other bishops to say this is the kind of administrator we should have." I know
bishops throughout the country, and I see them at meetings and talk to them, but
I don't know what kind of diocese they run. I don't know what the priests or the
religious or the laity think of them. I don't know what the financial picture
is, not even in my own province.
Role of NCCB
The pro-nuncio also
consults with the president and vice president of the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops. This consultation takes place in two stages. Archbishop John
Roach, conference president from 1980 to 1983, recalls:
The president
receives notification from the pro-nuncio that a see will be opening up or that
he is considering the appointment of an auxiliary for a particular diocese. The
president is asked to give his impressions of the state of the diocese, the kind
of leadership it needs.
Each of the thirteen
regions of the United States elects a bishop to be on the committee for the
selection of bishops. I would consult with the regional representative. They
would not get a list of names, but I would ask what the diocese is like and he
would recount its story. I would forward that to the apostolic delegate.
After the pro-nuncio
narrows down the list of candidates to eight or ten names, he sends them to the
officers of the NCCB for a second consultation. "The most recent one I got,"
said Archbishop John May, president of the conference from 1986 to 1989, "had
maybe six bishops and then about four or five priests who had been proposed for
that particular diocese." This second consultation is a special concession
granted by Archbishop Laghi to the U.S. bishops who asked to be consulted about
the names that surfaced for a given diocese. Archbishop Jadot avoided this,
apart from oral consultation with the president or general secretary.
Because of the size
of the United States, often the NCCB officers do not know the priests who are
being proposed. "A lot of times I don't know any of the priests," admits
Archbishop May of St. Louis. "For instance, Santa Rosa is open. I don't know
anybody in Santa Rosa. And really I don't know many priests in that area of
California. The few I would know tend to be scholars or people who teach or guys
who give talks, very often Jesuits. But I don't know a lot of the diocesan
priests."
When he was
president, Archbishop Roach recalls, "If I did not know them, I would say,
`Sorry.' If the person was already an auxiliary or a bishop I would know
something about him."
Archbishop Roach
reports that "I would not rank them," but that has changed. Bishop James Malone,
president from 1983 to 1986, explains, "The pro-nuncio says, 'These are the
names that have surfaced. Give me a list of three in order of your preference
and give the reasons for your preference.'" Similarly, Archbishop May says,
"These names have been proposed, and you are told, `If you wish, will you
comment on these names or, if you prefer, put in any different names, put in
your own names. Then give us a terna and give your reasons for it.' So I usually
come up with three names [and] tell why I think these three deserve
consideration."
Some have criticized
the NCCB leadership for not taking a more active role at this point in the
process. One archbishop said,
When the second
consultation occurs, the conference leadership ought to contact whoever
represents that region on the NCCB Committee on Appointments and find out what
he thinks. If that bishop doesn't know, he ought to find out.
But that step doesn't
seem to occur, and whenever I hear the bishops complain about appointments, I
feel that we have ourselves to blame for not using well what has been offered
us.
In the past there
were certain American bishops who were "kingmakers" in the hierarchy because
they had unique influence in the choice of bishops. Cardinal Francis J. Spellman
of New York was very influential during the pontificate of Pius XII (1939-58).
While his only success in the west was the appointment in 1946 of his auxiliary
James F. McIntyre to Los Angeles, in the east he was dominant. He supported the
appointment of Richard Cushing as archbishop of Boston in 1944. In 1945, John F.
O'Hara, another New York auxiliary, was named bishop of Buffalo, and in 1951, at
Dennis Dougherty's death, he became archbishop of Philadelphia. In 1947, Patrick
A. O'Boyle, Spellman's director of Catholic Charities, was named archbishop of
Washington.\40
But under John XXIII
and Paul VI, Cardinal Spellman's influence dwindled. In 1958, Archbishop Egidio
Vagnozzi, the new apostolic delegate, made it clear to the bishops that he, and
not Spellman, was in charge.
Bishop Edward F.
Hoban of Cleveland, as a friend of Amleto Cicognani the apostolic delegate, was
very influential in the late 1950's. According to Monsignor Ellis:
Hoban was either
directly responsible for a number of bishops or influential in starting them on
their way, e.g., Floyd Begin to Oakland, Paul Hallinan to Charleston and then
Atlanta, John Krol to Philadelphia, John Treacy to La Crosse, John Whealon as
auxiliary in Cleveland before his promotion to Erie and subsequently
Hartford.\41
John F. Dearden of
Pittsburgh and then Detroit and James Malone of Youngstown were also said to
have been boosted by Bishop Hoban.
"There is no
kingmaker among the American bishops today," reports the church historian
Monsignor Ellis. Neither Archbishop Jadot nor Laghi had one American prelate
whom they listened to exclusively. Cardinals O'Connor, Law, and Hickey are said
to be the members of the American hierarchy closest to Archbishop Laghi. But one
archbishop explained, "In the long run, Laghi will do a couple of things to make
people happy, but then he will shift off to some other force. He is a very
skilled diplomat."
Cardinal Hickey
confessed to being ambivalent about having so many of his good men made bishops
in other dioceses. "I'm going to hide my lists," he said jokingly. "Within about
a year and a half, four major leaders were chosen to be bishops: Bishop O'Malley
of the Virgin Islands, Bishop John Ricard, auxiliary in Baltimore, Bishop
Donohue, in the office here for nineteen years as chancellor, and then Bishop
Foley to Richmond. I'm very honored that my priests are considered to be such
fine men, but you know just forget about us for a while." After this interview,
in 1988 he lost another chancellor to Birmingham and an auxiliary to Atlanta.
The American best
positioned to play kingmaker today is Cardinal John O'Connor of New York, who in
1985 was appointed to the Vatican Congregation for Bishops, a position that was
held by his predecessors cardinals Spellman and Cooke. Cardinal O'Connor is
taking very seriously his work on this congregation that deals with the
appointment of bishops. One person in Denver quoted John O'Connor as saying he
was instrumental in the appointment of Archbishop J. Francis Stafford in 1986.
During the
appointment process, Archbishop Jadot reports that "the bishops of a region are
most helpful for the new diocesan bishop. For an auxiliary, the bishop and the
priests are most helpful." While he was apostolic delegate, Archbishop Jadot
recalls that "99 percent of the time, two to five names come out strongly as the
candidates. Most often there is a strange coincidence of names coming from the
bishops and from the priests--seldom is there difference between them. When
there is, then the apostolic delegate has to work it out."
On the other hand,
input from the laity appears to be of limited value. "It is exceptional when
their answers are helpful," said Archbishop Jadot. "They are usually fine
answers, but they have limited knowledge." Another participant noted that "the
replies of religious women are very useful whether they are commenting on
candidates or the condition of the diocese."
Local Boy or Outsider
If a vacant diocese
has an auxiliary, he is an obvious candidate to become the diocesan bishop, and
the pro-nuncio will hear from people about the auxiliary's qualifications. But,
in fact, only 10 percent of the diocesan bishops were first auxiliaries in the
diocese they now govern. In 1987, only archbishops Flores of San Antonio,
Pilarczyk of Cincinnati, Roach of St. Paul and Sheehan of Omaha were auxiliaries
in the archdioceses they now govern. Interestingly, all four are very popular in
their archdioceses.
Despite all the work
of examining the diocese and consulting with many people, often the candidates
can be determined by which auxiliaries are due for a diocese. "I have to confess
that they do write wonderful reports about the needs of the local churches, the
profile, the resources," one participant said. "But I am afraid that the
appointments are very often made on the basis of the human needs of who is
waiting in line."
Normally a bishop is
an auxiliary for about six years before becoming a diocesan bishop in another
diocese. Campaigning for a diocese can be delicate. "There are some auxiliary
bishops who talk about virtually nothing else but when they are going to get out
of the morass they find themselves hooked into," said one archbishop. An
archbishop will often approach the pro-nuncio on behalf of an auxiliary. "But
some of the auxiliaries get so agitated that they do go and confront the
pro-nuncio about it. We try to keep them from doing that, but the fact is that
sometimes it happens." Some auxiliaries get promoted soon after a new archbishop
arrives so that he can put in place his own men.
But some auxiliaries
are never promoted. A few don't want to be diocesan bishops, but others have
been passed over because of health problems or because they are judged to be
poor administrators. So far, few black or Hispanic auxiliaries have been
promoted to diocesan bishops. A few auxiliaries have been blackballed because of
their positions on controversial issues like the ordination of women. Auxiliary
bishops Thomas Costello of Syracuse, George Evans of Denver, Thomas Gumbleton of
Detroit, and Francis Murphy of Baltimore were considered too liberal by Rome to
be given a diocese.
The pro-nuncio also
hears the views of people on whether the new bishop should be from the diocese
or from outside. Someone from the local clergy is often desired in the hopes
that he would be more sensitive to the local situation.
On the other hand,
sometimes there is the feeling that "new blood" is needed in the diocese.
Someone from outside might be freer to act without his critics claiming that he
is listening only to his old friends and appointing them to offices. Archbishop
John F. Whealon recalls going to Erie and to Hartford as an outsider:
I thought that having
an outsider was healthy because when I went into both of them, there was some
tension of clerical politics in a negative sense, factions and groups that were
operating. It was healthy for them to have someone that didn't even know the
people involved and then could make a much more objective judgment. So even
though he would be slow in making judgments, he would be objective.
Archbishop Jadot
reports that "there is usually unanimity or quasi unanimity in the diocese over
the question of whether the bishop should be a local person or from outside."
Another official agreed: "Generally it is one trend or another, and more often
than not it is in reaction to the former bishop. If he was local, they want an
outsider, and vice versa. I can't recall any case where it was divided right
down the middle, where half wanted a local man and half wanted an outsider."
Archbishops who are from their archdioceses are Flores of San Antonio, Lipscomb
of Mobile, Pilarczyk of Cincinnati, Roach of St. Paul, Sanchez if Santa Fe, and
Sheehan of Omaha.
Archbishops
The process for
appointing an archbishop does not differ substantially from that of appointing
any other diocesan bishop. Greater care may be taken, and more people may be
consulted, but the process is basically the same. The man chosen to be
archbishop is more likely to be already a diocesan bishop at the time of his
appointment.
When an archbishop
was to be appointed, Archbishop Jadot would consult all the archbishops.
Archbishop Laghi consults some archbishops, but not all of them all the time. He
consults archbishops in neighboring archdioceses or those who might have special
information. "I had been under the impression that all archbishops are consulted
on all archbishoprics," says one archbishop. "I have been consulted on a number
of them, but not all of them." Some archbishops reported they were not consulted
on the recent appointments to Atlanta, Boston, and New York.
Many observers feel
that it is especially in the appointment to fill large archdioceses that Rome
plays a key role. "On those biggies, Laghi always finds out what Rome wants,"
explains an archbishop. "Who is Rome? That is always faceless. Is it Cardinal
Baum? Is it Archbishop Rigali? Is it the pope himself?"
Archbishop Justin
Rigali, originally from Los Angeles and now president of the Pontifical
Ecclesiastical Academy, is said to have been influential in the appointment of
Archbishop Roger Mahony to Los Angeles. Cardinal William Baum as the only
American cardinal in Rome is thought to be influential especially since he sits
on the Congregation for Bishops. One archbishop thought that Cardinal O'Connor
was the pope's personal choice for New York while Cardinal Law was Archbishop
Laghi's candidate for Boston.
Many church observers
argue that archbishops recently appointed by the Vatican have been more
"conservative," a term I attempt to avoid in this book. These commentators point
to archbishops Bernard Law of Boston (1984), John O'Connor of New York (1984),
Roger Mahony of Los Angeles (1985), William Levada of Portland (1986) and
Anthony Bevilacqua of Philadelphia (1987) as the Vatican's attempt to reshape
the American hierarchy. Whatever the case, the current appointment process
allows the pope to appoint whom he chooses, and it is likely he gives more
attention to the appointment of archbishops than of other bishops.
Questionnaire
The pope in some ways
faces the same problems in the appointment of bishops as the president faces in
the appointment of judges. Once appointed, it is difficult to remove either a
bishop or a judge. As a result, in both systems high priority is given to
finding out about the candidate prior to his appointment. "Security" checks are
conducted. Information on his background, education, and previous jobs is
gathered. People who know the candidate are interviewed about his attitudes and
views.
The scrutiny of a
priest prior to being first appointed bishop is in some ways greater than it is
for bishops who are being promoted. Great care is taken to find out about the
priest because once he is appointed he is in until he retires at seventy-five.
Bishops, on the other hand, have already been through the process once and are
better known by the pro-nuncio and Rome, who have seen how they have acted as
bishops.
In order to get
information about a priest for the ternus, the pro-nuncio sends a confidential
questionnaire on the candidate to twenty or thirty people who know him. Some of
these names are suggested by the priest's diocesan bishop; others are diocesan
officials or people the pro-nuncio has gotten to know personally in the diocese
through his travels. Not only priests but also religious and lay people are sent
the questionnaire. The laity consulted tend to be officers in diocesan lay
organizations or on diocesan advisory committees. Once again, names are also
taken by the pro-nuncio from those listed under the diocese in The Official
Catholic Directory. They are told to answer the questions without seeking
further data from others. Nor can they tell anyone, especially the candidate,
that they have received the questionnaire.
Confidential Vatican Questionnaire on Episcopal Candidates
Please describe the
nature of your association with the candidate and indicate the length of time
that you have known him.
-
Personal Characteristics: Physical appearance; health;
work capacity; family conditions, especially regarding any manifestations of
hereditary illness.
-
Human Qualities: Speculative and practical
intellectual capacity; temperament and character; balance; serenity of
judgment; sense of responsibility.
-
Human, Christian and Priestly Formation: Possession
and practice of human, Christian and priestly virtues (prudence, justice,
moral uprightness, loyalty, sobriety, faith, hope, charity, obedience,
humility, piety: daily celebration of the Eucharist and of the Liturgy of
the Hours, Marian devotion.)
-
Behavior: Moral conduct; comportment with people in
general and in the exercise of the priestly ministry in particular; the
ability to establish friendships; rapport with civil authorities: respect
and autonomy.
-
Cultural Preparation: Competence and aggiornamento in
ecclesiastical sciences; general culture; knowledge of and sensitivity
toward problems of our time; facility with foreign languages; authorship of
books or magazine articles worthy of note.
-
Orthodoxy: Adherence with conviction and loyalty to
the doctrine and Magisterium of the Church. In particular, the attitude of
the candidate toward the documents of the Holy See on the Ministerial
Priesthood, on the priestly ordination of women, on the Sacrament of
Matrimony, on sexual ethics and on social justice. Fidelity to the genuine
ecclesial tradition and commitment to the authentic renewal promoted by the
Second Vatican Council and by subsequent pontifical teachings.
-
Discipline: Loyalty and docility to the Holy Father,
the Apostolic See and the Hierarchy; esteem for and acceptance of priestly
celibacy as it has been set forth by the ecclesiastical Magisterium; respect
for and observance of the general and particular norms governing divine
worship and clerical attire.
-
Pastoral Fitness and Experience: Abilities, experience
and effectiveness in the pastoral ministry; evangelization and catechesis;
preaching and teaching (preparation, public speaking capability); pastoral
skills in sacramental and liturgical ministries (especially in the
administration of the Sacrament of Penance and the celebration of the
Eucharist); the fostering of vocations; sensitivity to the needs of the
missions; a spirit of ecumenism; the formation of the laity in the
apostolate (family life, youth, the promotion and defense of human rights,
the world of labor, culture and the media); the promotion of human causes
and of social action with particular attention to the poor and the most
needy.
-
Leadership Qualities: A fatherly spirit, attitude of
service, taking initiative; the ability to lead others to dialogue, to
stimulate and receive cooperation, to analyze and organize and carry out
decisions; to direct and engage in team work; appreciation for the role and
the collaboration of religious and laity (both men and women) and for a just
share of responsibilities; concern for the problems of the universal and
local church.
-
Administrative Skills: Accountability for and proper
use of Church goods; abilities and performance in fulfilling administrative
tasks; sense of justice and spirit of detachment; openness in seeking the
collaboration of experts in the field.
-
Public Esteem: Estimation of the candidate on the part
of confreres, the general public and the civil authorities.
-
Your Judgment of the Candidate: Suitability for the
Episcopacy: His suitability for the episcopacy in general; in particular
whether he would be more apt as a diocesan or an auxiliary bishop; whether
in an urban, industrial, rural, large, medium or small See.
-
Any additional comments:
-
Names, addresses and qualifications of others who know
the candidate well (priests, religious men and women, laity) who are truly
reliable, with good sense, prudence and calm judgment.
The questionnaire was
prepared by the Vatican Congregation for Bishops and is used for all episcopal
appointments that go through the congregation. The questionnaire had been rather
skimpy, but it underwent major revision in the 1970s when Cardinal Sebastiano
Baggio was prefect of the congregation. The questionnaire sent by the pro-nuncio
contains fourteen items, including a request for additional names of persons who
know the candidate (see accompanying questionnaire). Although the questionnaire
is detailed, the covering letter indicates that it "is only to serve as an
orientation...." The pro-nuncio asks that the information be given "in a
discursive manner so as to develop fully your observations."
Most of the questions
deal with the obvious physical, intellectual, moral, spiritual, social, and
priestly characteristics that one would hope for in a bishop. It is interesting
to note that while the questionnaire does ask about the administrative skills of
the candidate (item 10), it goes into much more detail asking about his pastoral
fitness and experience (item 8). Under this item are listed not only pastoral
skills but also "a spirit of ecumenism" and "the promotion and defense of human
rights." And the question on leadership qualities (item 9) clearly indicates
that an authoritarian pastor is not wanted: "A fatherly spirit... the ability to
lead others, to dialogue, to stimulate and receive cooperation... to direct and
engage in team work; appreciation for the role and the collaboration of
religious and laity (both men and women) and for a just share of
responsibilities...."
The questions on
orthodoxy (item 6) indicate that a priest supporting the ordination of women,
optional priestly celibacy, or birth control would not be made a bishop. But
neither would a priest opposed to the teaching of the church on social justice.
Archbishop Jadot explains:
If the priest's first
reaction to Humanae Vitae was negative--he just blew up--and later came
to accept it, this would not be a major objection. But if he does not agree with
the magisterium.... The pope has been strong on this. He wants people who agree
with himself, and this is very natural. If the priest has given a lecture or
written an article against Humanae Vitae or for women's ordination, he
would have a difficult time becoming a bishop. He is saying the opposite of the
magisterium.
Fidelity to the
magisterium appears to be stressed today even more than it was in Jadot's time.
"Orthodoxy is the big issue today. Someone who is known to be a challenger can
certainly not be chosen to be a bishop," said one official involved in the
selection process.\42 Orthodoxy is defined primarily in terms of loyalty to the
Holy See and attitudes toward Humanae Vitae, priestly celibacy, and
women's ordination. Bishops must be willing "to take positions not always shared
by one's faithful, diocesan priests or bishops' conference."\43
As far as can be
known, this screening process appears to be successful in getting bishops who
uphold traditional views. Episcopal defiance of the Vatican is rare. Survey data
show that "on matters of religious attitudes and sexual morality, bishops tend
to be even more `conservative' than the clergy over 55, while on matters of
ecumenism and social action, bishops tend to be even more `liberal' than the
clergy under 36."\44 This would appear to be exactly what the Vatican wants.
Pro-Nuncio's Report
After the pro-nuncio
has examined the responses to the questionnaires and prepared a ternus, he
writes a report (approximately twenty single-spaced pages) in Italian,
extracting and synthesizing the content of the consultation and giving his own
judgment. The ternus and the pro-nuncio's report are sent to the Vatican
Congregation for Bishops, and no U.S. bishop sees them unless he is a member of
that congregation. Normally the report gives a description of the diocese and
then describes the process the pro-nuncio went through in selecting the
candidates. The pro-nuncio then lists the candidates in order of his preference
and describes each one. "Laghi does a good job on his reports," said a Vatican
official. "He covers everything."
The pro-nuncio sends
all of the documents that he has received to Rome with his report. For the
appointment of a diocesan bishop this could be one hundred letters, but normally
it is about twenty letters for each of the candidates. When the candidate is
already a bishop, the documentation is less. In this case, the question is not
whether he is qualified to be a bishop but whether he is apt for the particular
diocese. On the other hand, the documentation for an archbishop's appointment
can be heavy. The stack of materials for the appointment of a new archbishop in
Los Angeles was two feet high. Processing the appointment can take two to four
months, depending on the size of the diocese or the unanimity or tension in the
diocese. Archbishop Jadot noted that "Archbishop Laghi works faster than I did
on appointments, but he travels less."
Congregation for Bishops
When the documents
arrive in Rome, they go to the Congregation for Bishops, headed by Cardinal
Bernardin Gantin, a Vatican official from the Benin Republic in West Africa who
was named prefect of the congregation in 1984. It is considered one of the most
important and hard-working congregations in the Vatican curia or offices. It
deals not only with appointments but also quinquennial reports and ad limina
visits (see chapter 8). The working language of the congregation and its staff
is Italian.
Cardinal Gantin's
predecessor, Sebastiano Baggio, was a hard-working curial cardinal who rarely
missed a day in the office. Cardinal Baggio was Italian, like practically all of
his predecessors since the congregation was founded in 1588. Cardinal Gantin's
appointment in 1984 came as a surprise to most people in Rome, since he is not
only not an Italian, he is not European or Caucasian. "Jaws dropped," says a
Roman official. "He was not one of those who was rumored." Since he is from a
mission country, his own appointment as a bishop went through the Congregation
for Evangelization of Peoples. Despite the surprise, his appointment was
welcomed by the congregation's staff.
The documents from
the pro-nuncio are checked by the congregation staff person in charge of
appointments from the United States to see if they are complete. This American
priest, who usually serves for five years, is also in charge of appointments
from Canada and Australia. Another priest handles most of Europe except Italy,
which is handled by two priests. One priest handles Brazil and another the rest
of Latin America. Episcopal appointments for mission countries (most of Africa
and Asia) are dealt with in the Congregation for Evangelization of Peoples.
Appointments for the eastern-rite churches in union with Rome go through the
Congregation for the Oriental Churches or their synods.
The staff person is
expected to read the pro-nuncio's report and the entire dossier. He evaluates it
and offers recommendations on what should be done if there are unanswered
questions, if certain people should have been consulted who were not, or if more
information is needed. For example, if there was insufficient information about
the candidate's orthodoxy, the pro-nuncio would receive a letter from the
prefect asking for the information.
A staff person has no
power, noted one official, "but he does have an awful lot of influence due to
the nature of his job and the fact that his superiors cannot be expected to
study the whole issue as thoroughly as that person has to." The staff works on
manual typewriters. There is a photocopier and electric typewriters for formal
letters, but no computers for data files or for word processing.
If everything is in
order and the cardinal prefect approves, the appointment process moves forward
to the congregation, which meets twice a month from October through June. The
congregation in 1987 was composed of thirty-six members, appointed by the pope,
who have five-year renewable terms--twenty-nine cardinals and seven archbishops.
Sixteen of the cardinals are permanently stationed in Rome as part of the
Vatican curia. Ex officio members of the congregation include prefects of the
Council for the Public Affairs of the Church (Cardinal Agostino Casaroli,
secretary of state) and of the Congregations for the Doctrine of the Faith
(Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger), for the Clergy (Cardinal Antonio Innocenti), and
for Catholic Education (Cardinal William W. Baum).
Before the
appointment goes to the congregation,\45 a cardinal ponente (presenter)
is chosen by the undersecretary of the congregation.\46 After reviewing the full
dossier, the ponente, who is usually a curial cardinal,\47 provides a
summary to the other cardinals at a meeting of the congregation. The ponente,
explains Cardinal O'Connor, "synthesizes, analyzes, and presents the entire
picture" to the rest of the congregation.
The cardinal ponente
has to be fairly fluent in the language of the country of the candidate, since
only the pro-nuncio's report is in Italian. Cardinal William Baum, the only
American cardinal in Rome, is sometimes the cardinal ponente on American
appointments, but not always. The job of ponente is rotated in order not to
overburden any of the cardinals. Cardinal Baum, for example, is also prefect of
the Congregation for Catholic Education and cannot devote all of his time to the
Congregation for Bishops. The more complicated and controversial the
appointment, the more likely the undersecretary will try to get a ponente fluent
enough to understand the nuances in the documents. Most members of the
congregation are capable of reading and understanding English.
When Cardinal Baggio
was prefect, members of the congregation were notified two weeks before the next
meeting would take place. This made it difficult for cardinals and archbishops
not residing in Rome to attend the meeting. As a non-European, Cardinal Gantin
is more sensitive to this problem. He sends members of the congregation an
advanced schedule of the meetings to be held from October through June. Thus if
a cardinal is coming to Rome on other business, he can schedule his visit to
coincide with a meeting of the congregation.
Still, most members
living outside of Rome do not attend. Cardinals Jean-Marie Lustiger of Paris and
Carlo Maria Martini of Milan attend about once a month, but they live a short
airplane ride away from Rome. The archbishop of Sydney, on the other hand, is
twenty-three hours away by air and rarely attends.
Cardinal Terence
Cooke and Cardinal Humberto Medeiros were members of the congregation prior to
their deaths. Cardinal Cooke never attended because he did not understand
Italian, the language used in the meetings. Cardinal Medeiros, who could speak
Italian, attended once or twice a year when he was in Rome for other business.
Also fluent in Italian, Cardinal Joseph Bernardin served on the congregation as
an archbishop from 1973 to 1978 and attended meetings a couple of times a year
when he was in Rome on business as president of the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops or as a member of the council of the synod of bishops.
Although still
working to improve his Italian, Cardinal John O'Connor gets to Rome about every
other month for meetings of the congregation since his appointment in 1985. "I
try to get there when an American appointment is under consideration," explains
Cardinal O'Connor. As a result, he reports attending meetings that consider from
75 to 80 percent of the American appointments.
This concern for
local appointments is not untypical for members of the congregation. Through
most of the 1970s, Cardinal Heenan of Britain and Cardinal Conway of Ireland
attended meetings of the congregation when appointments were being considered
for their countries. Cardinal Heenan said that when an appointment to Upper
Volta (now Burkina Faso) was being considered, he would "keep silence, read my
papers, write my letters," but when an English bishop was being appointed, "I
made clear whom we [considered] the best man."\48
But since most of the
noncurial members of the congregation usually do not attend, the decisions of
the congregation are heavily influenced by the sixteen curial cardinals.
Two weeks prior to
the meeting, members are given the agenda, which usually consists of the names
of four or five dioceses whose appointments will be up for consideration. Until
recently, only those attending the meeting were given the pro-nuncio's report. A
member of the congregation from outside of Rome did not receive the report until
he arrived in Rome just before the meeting. Cardinal O'Connor, however, now
receives copies of all the documents in New York. If he cannot attend the
meeting, he phones or mails in his vote.
At the meetings
(normally on Thursdays) of the congregation in the Vatican Apostolic Palace,
usually about fifteen cardinals attend, together with the secretary and
undersecretary of the congregation but no other staff members. The cardinal
ponente gives his report and the members of the congregation discuss the
appointment under the chairmanship of the prefect, Cardinal Gantin. The language
used is Italian.
Cardinal O'Connor
says that he is "tremendously impressed by the objectivity, sensitivity, and
concern demonstrated by the bishops on the congregation. They are deeply
concerned that the world get the best possible bishops."
But some people
believe that a candidate who has studied in Rome has an advantage with the
congregation. Thirty seven percent of the bishops and half of the archbishops
have, in fact, studied in Rome.\49 As early as 1880, a "Roman education was seen
as guaranteeing loyalty to Rome."\50 Many believe this is still true. "Some on
the congregation--those very Roman--would see that as a plus factor," explains
one Vatican observer.
They imbibed some of
the Roman culture and tradition, and they were exposed to the universal church
because of spending two, three, four, or six years in Rome. Other members didn't
give it a second thought where a man studied, just that he had some theological
depth as well as canonical knowledge and was orthodox and adhered to the
discipline of the church, as this pope considers those two elements extremely
important in the appointment of bishops.
Another observer
agreed, "If they get somebody who studied in Rome, then they can say that at
least he should know what he is supposed to do." Archbishop Jadot says that,
while he was apostolic delegate, "no candidate was ever preferred over another
simply because he studied in Rome. The fact that he had further studies would be
important. I never saw a candidate preferred because he studied in Rome rather
than at Catholic University" in Washington. But one study indicates some
statistical evidence that "elite training [in Rome] is more important than
advanced degrees in helping a candidate become a bishop."\51
After the members of
the congregation discuss the appointment, they vote. Very often (some estimate
80 to 90 percent of the time) they follow the recommendation of the pro-nuncio.
This would especially be true if his views coincided with those of the local
hierarchy. Cardinal John J. Wright, before his death in 1979, complained, "Now
it's reached the point where everybody falls over backwards to meet the wishes
of the local church. People like myself with wider experience are ignored."\52
But sometimes the congregation recommends the pro-nuncio's second or third
choice. And sometimes it rejects the ternus altogether and tells him to present
a new one. "Yes, some are sent back," said a Vatican official. "This reflects
the Pope's concern about the choices."\53
There has been much
speculation that when Archbishop Jadot was apostolic delegate from 1973 to 1980
most of his recommendations were approved at the beginning of his term but that
toward the end he had more of them rejected. "Jadot was very high when Paul was
pope," commented one expert on the American hierarchy, "but he went down under
John Paul." "Some in Rome," reported an official, "thought that some of the
bishops appointed during his years in Washington were not completely faithful to
the teaching of the church. They spoke poorly of him because they thought some
of the appointments, some of those who are under heat today--Hunthausen and
Gerety--were considered to be Jadot's mistakes."
An American observer
noted that "in 1980 when the president of the Secretariat for Non-Christians
died of a heart attack, Archbishop Jadot was appointed to replace him in a
disgraceful haste in order to get Jadot out of the United States." A Vatican
official, however, categorically denied this. "It is not true that Jadot was
removed," he said. "He asked to leave for reasons of health."
Whatever the case,
once he got to Rome, Archbishop Jadot says he was not consulted concerning
appointments to the U.S. hierarchy. This reluctance of the Vatican to use an
obvious source of information supports the view that he was out of favor in
Rome. "I was disappointed that his expertise on the church in the United States
was never drawn upon because with many he had lost favor," said one official.
"He was a very controversial figure those final years. There were even many
Americans in Rome who had no use for him."
The Pope
The final step in the
appointment process is taken when the prefect presents the pro-nuncio's, the
congregation's, and his own recommendations to the pope at a Saturday audience.
The staff prepares a three- to five-page memo (Foglio d'Udienza) on the
appointment, which the prefect takes with his recommendation to the pope in a
private audience. The prefect summarizes the discussions of the congregation and
reports any dissenting opinions and votes. "Ninety-five percent of the time, the
pope makes his decision on the spot after the prefect explains the vacancy and
informs the pope of the various options and what the recommendation of the
pro-nuncio is and what the congregation's is," explains an official. "Maybe 5
percent of the time he would say, 'Let's wait a week' or `Let me read all the
documentation; let me consult some other advisers.'"
The pope can play an
active role at this point, especially if he knows the candidates, as might be
the case with bishops being put forward for promotions. Certainly Pope John Paul
II would play an active role in appointments in the Polish church, as Pope Paul
VI did in the Italian hierarchy. An official who had been in the Vatican since
1977 reports John Paul "takes a deep and personal interest in the appointment of
bishops, especially to the larger Sees. It is a major theme on his agenda."\54
His travels have given him personal knowledge of some dioceses and their needs.
In addition, Archbishop Laghi meets more frequently with the pope, and there is
more intense consultation about bishops.\55
In the first ten
years of John Paul's reign, approximately 1,200 new bishops were appointed,
which averages 10 bishops a month. With much to do as pope and only a limited
amount of time, he must depend on the congregation for most of these
appointments. This is especially true since he travels so much. Cardinal
O'Connor reports that the "overwhelming percentage of the congregation's
recommendations are accepted by the pope." If the pope consistently did not like
the nominees, he would eventually have to replace the people on the
congregation.
The pope would also
play an important role if his advisers disagreed with one another. Thus if the
prefect and the congregation or the congregation and the pro-nuncio were not in
agreement, the pope would have to choose whom he would follow. Similarly, if an
American prelate with access to the pope made his views known, this could have
an impact. Usually in such cases, the pope will ask for more study. Other times
he will just decide.
More important,
perhaps, is the general orientation and direction that the pope gives to the
congregation, the pro-nuncio, and the bishops. Archbishop Jadot, for example,
was told by Paul VI and by Cardinal Baggio to appoint more pastoral bishops in
the United States, which had a reputation for bishops who were only managers.
Vatican spokesman Navarro-Valls says that the John Paul II seeks "one element
above all--a solid, intellectual knowledge of theology."\56 In his address to
the American bishops visiting Rome in 1983, the pope stressed unity and fidelity
to the magisterium. He said that the bishops should look for "priests who have
already proven themselves as teachers of the faith as it is proclaimed by the
Magisterium of the church, and, who, in the words of St. Paul's pastoral
advice to Titus, `hold fast to the authentic message.'"
He told the bishops,
It is important for
the episcopal candidate, as for the bishop himself, to be a sign of the unity of
the universal church.... Never is the unity of the local church stronger and
more secure, never is the ministry of the local bishop more effective than when
the local church under the pastoral leadership of the local bishop proclaims in
word and deed the universal faith, when it is open in charity to all the needs
of the universal church and when it embraces faithfully the church's universal
discipline.\57
Sometimes the pope's
appointments are not popular. While visiting Holland in 1985, Pope John Paul II,
in an unusual move, publicly defended his appointments there:
The recent
appointments of bishops have deeply offended some of you who are wondering about
the reasons for these tensions.
I should like to say
in all sincerity that the pope attempts to understand the life of the local
church in the appointment of every bishop. He gathers information and takes
advice in accordance with ecclesiastical law and custom. You will understand
that opinions are sometimes divided. In the last analysis, the Pope has to take
the decision. (Must he explain his choice? Discretion does not permit him to do
so.)
Believe me, brothers
and sisters, this suffering on account of the church grieves me. But be
convinced that I have truly listened, considered carefully, and prayed. And I
appointed the person whom I thought before God the most suitable for this
office.\58
John Paul's
appointments have tended to be older than previous appointments. The average age
of the world's bishops has increased under his pontificate from about fifty-nine
in 1978 to nearly sixty-four in 1988. Another change is the increased number of
religious order bishops. More than one-fourth of his bishops are religious
priests.\59
Notification and Consent
After the pope makes
his decision, the congregation notifies the pro-nuncio, who then approaches the
nominee and asks if he will accept the appointment. The entire process takes
four to eight months from the time a vacancy occurs until the appointment is
announced.
Usually the
pro-nuncio telephones the candidate or his bishop. Archbishop May received the
call from Archbishop Jadot while he was shaving. His successor, Archbishop Oscar
Lipscomb, received a letter because Jadot did not know his private number. If he
was willing to accept the post, he was supposed to telegraph a coded message to
Washington: "Diocesan report on its way." Interestingly, in such cases the
letter from the pro-nuncio does not tell the nominee the code for saying no.
They presuppose he will say yes. In fact, the nominee can refuse the
appointment, and about one out of twenty do. The refusing candidate usually
says, "After having consulted with my spiritual father, I respectfully decline."
Sometimes they can be persuaded to accept the appointment, but often there is a
health problem that people were not aware of.
The extent of the
secrecy involved in the process is evident in that some of appointees are
honestly surprised when they are approached. On the other hand, there was wide
speculation concerning the appointments to Chicago, Los Angeles, and
Philadelphia with Bernardin, Mahony and Bevilacqua mentioned in the press for
those sees. If the candidate does accept, Rome is notified and a date is set for
the announcement, usually a Tuesday.
In the meantime, the
nominee cannot tell anybody. Archbishop Lipscomb did not even tell his family
ahead of time. On the night before the announcement, without explanation he
asked his sister to gather the family at 6:45 A.M. in his mother's hospital room
since the announcement would be made at 7 A.M. Mobile time. His sister's
response to his request was quite natural considering the early hour:
"[Expletive deleted], that is the most ridiculous thing I ever heard in my
life."
Next morning when he
told them that he was going to be the archbishop of Mobile, he recalls:
For what seemed like
an eternity, no one spoke. What could they say? But my mom finally gave me the
first familial word of affirmation and congratulations, flat on her back in the
hospital bed, she looked at me and held out her arms and said, "Well, God help
us all."
This was a slightly
more positive response than the mother who told her son, "It's too bad you
weren't made a bishop when it still counted."
Conclusion
A number of things
become clear from a description of the process by which a bishop is appointed.
The pro-nuncio, as long as he maintains the confidence of the Vatican, is the
key figure in the process. For diocesan bishops, he draws up the ternus, and for
auxiliaries, he can influence or veto the ternus drawn up by a diocesan bishop.
For example, "It did not take long for the American bishops to catch on that
Jadot was looking for pastoral people as bishops," said Monsignor Ellis. "They
would take people out of the chancery or academic work and make them pastors to
get pastoral experience." But once the pro-nuncio loses the confidence of the
Vatican, he will soon be removed.
In addition to his
role in developing the ternus, the pro-nuncio is very influential through his
report, which accompanies the ternus. This report is in Italian, the working
language of the Congregation for Bishops. While he does send other documents to
the congregation, which can be examined by members of the congregation and its
staff who read English, his report is the primary document. In 1973, Archbishop
Jadot was asked to translate all the English documents into Italian, but he
refused because of the immensity of the task. In the 1950s the documents were
all translated into Latin.
Although the
pro-nuncio plays a key role in the selection of bishops, the American bishops
are also very important. First, by nominating priests in province meetings, they
provide the pool of candidates from which bishops are selected. Second, by
drawing up the ternus for their auxiliaries, diocesan bishops have a tremendous
impact on the American hierarchy. Three-fourths of all the U.S. bishops received
their first appointments as auxiliaries, including 57 percent of the diocesan
bishops. They also can influence the pro-nuncio's ternus with their suggestions.
A third important
actor in the process is the retiring diocesan bishop or, in his absence, the
administrator of the diocese. He determines how wide and thorough will be the
consultations on the needs of the diocese and the qualities desired in the next
diocesan bishop. He recommends to the pro-nuncio the names of people who should
be consulted about the diocese and the appointment. It is said that, before his
own death, Cardinal Spellman had requested Cooke's appointment by the Holy
See.\60 Likewise, there is some suspicion that Cardinal Timothy Manning of Los
Angeles supported the candidacy of Roger Mahony as his successor. As a priest,
Mahony had been an adviser to Manning, who was bishop of Fresno prior to his
promotion to Los Angeles.
A fourth set of
actors is the priests and others who fill out the questionnaires on the
individual candidates. These are primarily diocesan officials or members of
committees listed in The Official Catholic Directory. With their answers
they can make or break a candidate.
Fifth, is the role of
the Congregation for Bishops and its prefect. Their role appears to be primarily
a check on the pro-nuncio. If he loses their confidence, they get him replaced.
In addition, members with personal knowledge of the United States, such as
Cardinal Baum, can be influential.
The American members
of the congregation residing in the United States could be very influential if
they attended meetings. Until Cardinal O'Connor was appointed, their attendance
was rare. By making the effort to attend the meetings and to learn Italian,
Cardinal O'Connor is becoming a key figure in the appointment of bishops in the
United States. It is too early to tell if he is the new kingmaker, but the
evidence points in that direction.
Finally, there is the
all-important role of the pope. He is the one who can ultimately appoint as
bishop any priest he wants. While he cannot give his undivided attention to each
appointment throughout the world, he sets the tone and the criteria by which
candidates are nominated and evaluated. He works primarily through the
Congregation for Bishops and the pro-nuncio, who are well aware of his wishes.
If he does not like what they are doing, he can replace them.
The selection process
is not a democratic process but an institutional process that attempts through
wide consultation to find a candidate who will be a pastoral bishop, sincerely
concerned about the good of the people in his diocese, who is also loyal to
Rome. On paper it appears to be an autocratic process. What makes it work as
well as it does is the good faith of the participants, who are concerned for the
good of the church. In addition, they recognize the problems that result from
imposing on a diocese a bishop who is at odds with his priests and people or who
is inadequate to their needs.
Besides good will on
the part of the participants, the process works because of the checks and
balances provided by people at various levels within the system. For example,
the administrator of a diocese and a small clique of chancery officials might
conceivably push a candidate who the pro-nuncio finds through his investigation
is not widely supported. Or if the pro-nuncio begins appointing bishops out of
touch with the needs of the American church, the American bishops, especially
the archbishops and cardinals, can appeal to the Congregation for Bishops or
even the pope, as they did in the case of the apostolic delegate Archbishop
Raimondi. And while the power of Rome appears absolute, it is almost totally
dependent upon information that is sent to it by the pro-nuncio and the American
church.
Improvements?
"Few issues are of
more vital concern to the priests than the manner in which bishops are chosen,"
reports the NCCB Ad Hoc Committee for Priestly Life and Ministry.\61 Numerous
criticisms have been directed at the appointment process, especially in 1972
when "new" Vatican norms were published.\62 The president of the Canon Law
Society of America wrote:
A great deal of
concern and criticism about these directives was expressed at the time, noting
particularly that the ecclesiology implied in the norms seemed to be
pre-conciliar, but, more importantly, that the consultation process, although
somewhat more liberal, was still too restrictive, and did not seem to reflect
the awakening consciousness of the responsible People of God in the Church.\63
Some want to
strengthen the role of the American bishops in the process while others would
give a larger voice to the clergy and laity. Canon lawyer Ladislas M. Orsy,
S.J., writes in favor of strengthening the role of the bishops.
The bishops are
permitted to act collegially only during the first and abstract part of the
selection process, while drafting a list of candidates. When it comes to finding
the right person for a determined see, no collegial action is asked for. Each
bishop is expected to submit names without the benefit of the wisdom of his
brethren. And the delegate alone must take the awesome responsibility of
composing the terna in preparation of the final choice by the Holy See.\64
Critics note that in
the nineteenth-century American church, there was no apostolic delegate and the
bishops of a province met to recommend the ternus for a diocesan bishop to the
Vatican. Father Orsy believes that "if a see is vacant, the bishops of the
province could certainly gather and deliberate in virtue of their communion
about a worthy successor. No one can forbid them to do so and to send their
recommendations directly to the Holy See. Bishops have rights given them by
their consecration that no decree can take away."\65 Similarly, the NCCB
Committee on the Selection of Bishops might meet to make recommendations when an
archdiocese is vacant.
The Canon Law Society
of America recommended that each diocese have a committee for the selection of
candidates for the office of bishop that would receive nominations from
individuals and groups.\66 One member of the eleven-member committee would be
appointed by the bishop, the rest would be elected by the diocesan pastoral
council--two each from diocesan priests, religious women, religious men,
laywomen, and laymen.
After considering the
nominees and the state of the diocese, the committee would submit its report and
a list of nominees to the priests' council. The council would review the report
(provide additional comments) and narrow the committee's list to not more than
10 names. The report and the names would be given to the diocesan bishop who
would make his own inquiry concerning the merits of the candidates proposed. At
the spring meeting of the bishops in each region of the NCCB, the proposed
candidates would be considered and voted on by the bishops. The results would be
forwarded to the NCCB Committee on the Selection of Bishops, which would
finalize the list of candidates for a particular office of bishop. In filling a
particular office, the Holy See would limit itself to the three to five names
submitted by the NCCB Committee on the Selection of Bishops.
Other critics would
like to see group consultations about candidates so that a consensus could
develop.\67 Some want the bishop directly elected by the priests, the priests'
council, or a body composed of priests and laity in the diocese.\68 Such
elections would be subject to confirmation and acceptance by the pope. There is
wide support among priests for the election of bishops, but not among bishops.
The election of the bishop by the priests of the diocese is supported by 70
percent of the diocesan priests and only 24 percent of bishops. Election of the
bishop by the priests, religious, and laity of the diocese is desired by 65
percent of the priests and 24 percent of the bishops.\69
Vatican officials and
most bishops oppose making the process more democratic and public. The more
democratic and open it becomes, the more "political" it will be. Pressure groups
and factions will organize and thus divide a diocese. Democracy fosters
campaigns and party politics. They note that those who want more democracy in
the church are the same people who are not terribly happy with the candidates
democracy has produced in the United States. They also argue that such a
"democratic" system would be subject to pressure from undemocratic governments
where the church's source of independence is Rome's control over episcopal
appointments. Critics respond that the process is already political but the
choice is determined by cliques influential in Rome. Nor has the current process
kept totalitarian governments from interfering in appointments.
Many involved in the
process believe that a major flaw in the operation of the current procedures is
the fact the priests do not take it seriously. Priests can have an impact
through recommending names to the bishops and the pro-nuncio and by thoughtfully
filling out the questionnaires on the candidates. Lay participants are
handicapped by their limited knowledge of possible candidates. They can,
however, have an impact by describing the needs of the diocese and the kind of
bishop they would like. The bishop must ultimately serve their spiritual needs
and be their pastoral leader. The National Federation of Priests' Councils
prepared materials on the selection of bishops to be used by priests' councils
when their dioceses are in need of a bishop.\70
Any selection process
must ultimately be judged by the people it advances. In chapter 3 we will look
at the archbishops who have reached the top of the ecclesial ladder in the
United States. But first we will examine the archdioceses that they must govern.
Footnotes
1. This is a revised
and expanded version of Thomas J. Reese, S.J., "The Selection of Bishops,"
America 151 (August 18, 1984): 65-72.
2. See Giuseppe
Alberigo and Anton Weiler, Election and Consensus in the Church, Concilium
77 (1972); William W. Bassett, ed., The Choosing of Bishops (Hartford,
CT: Canon Law Society of America, 1971); Peter Huizing and Knut Walf, eds.,
Electing Our Own Bishops, Concilium 137 (1980); Raymond Kottje, "The
Selection of Church Officials: Some Historical Facts and Experiences,"
Concilium 63 (1971): 117-26; Joseph O'Donoghue, Elections in the Church
(Baltimore, MD: Helicon Press, l967); G. Sweeney, "`The Wound in the Right
Foot': Unhealed," Clergy Review 9 (1975): 574-93; also in Bishops and
Writers: Aspects of the Evolution of Modern English Catholicism, ed. Adrian
Hastings (Wheathampstead, England: Anthony Clarke, 1977), 207-34; L. John Topel,
"Ways the Church Selected Its Bishops," America 127 (September 2, 1972):
119-21; Edward Schillebeeckx, The Church with a Human Face (New York:
Crossroads, 1985), 124-48.
3. John Tracy Ellis,
"On Selecting American Bishops," Commonweal 85 (March 10, 1967): 643-9;
John Tracy Ellis, "On Selecting Catholic Bishops for the United States," The
Critic 26 (June-July 1969): 42-48; John Tracy Ellis, "The Selection of
Bishops," American Benedictine Review 35 (June 1984): 111-127; James
Hennesey, "`To Chuse a Bishop': An American Way," America 127 (September
2, 1972): 115-18; Robert Trisco, "Democratic Influence on the Election of
Bishops and Pastors and on the Administration of Dioceses and Parishes in the
U.S.A.," Concilium 77 (1972): 132-38.
4. Code of Canon
Law, Latin-English Edition (Washington, DC: Canon Law Society of America,
1983), Canon 378 §1.
5. Cover letter
(1984) from apostolic delegate requesting information on candidate for the
office of bishop. All caps and bold in original. See also "Instruction on the
Pontifical Secret," February 4, 1974, Origins 4 (May 30, 1974): 9-11.
6. Canon 377 §2.
7. Council for the
Public Affairs of the Church, "Norms for the Selection of Candidates for the
Episcopacy in the Latin Church," March 25, 1972, (Washington, DC: U. S. Catholic
Conference, 1974) [also in Origins 2 (May 25, 1972): 1-9], article 4.2,
p. 5.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid., article
1.2, p. 3.
10. Ibid.
11. "Delegation
Official Explains Bishop Selection Process," NC [National Catholic] News
Service, August 4, 1983.
12. Priests' Forum
1 (March/April 1969): 26-28.
13. James H. Provost,
"Selection of Bishops--Does Anybody Care?" Chicago Studies 18 (Summer
1979): 215.
14. For a general
discussion of professional advancement in the church, see Robert W. Peterson and
Richard A. Schoenherr, "Organizational Status Attainment of Religious
Professionals," Social Forces 56 (March 1978): 794-822.
15. "A Statement by
the Ten Black Catholic Bishops of the United States," presented by Most Rev.
Joseph L. Howze (Washington, DC: National Conference of Catholic Bishops,
November 1985), 8.
16. A nuncio is a
papal ambassador accredited by the government of the country in which he
resides. He is also dean of the diplomatic corps in that country. A pro-nuncio
is accredited but is not the dean.
17. See Gerald P.
Fogarty, S.J., The Vatican and the American Hierarchy from 1870 to 1965
(Stuttgart, Germany: Anton Hiersemann, 1982) and (Wilmington, DE: Michael
Glazier, 1985); Robert A. Graham, Vatican Diplomacy (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1959); Thomas J. Reese, S.J., "Diplomatic Relations
with Holy See," America 152 (March 16, 1985): 215-16 and "Three Years
Later: U.S. Relations with the Holy See," America 156 (January 17, 1987):
29-35; Robert J. Wister, "The Establishment of the Apostolic Delegation in
Washington: The Pastoral and Political Motivation," U.S. Catholic Historian
3 (Spring/Summer 1983): 115-29.
18. Arthur Jones,
"Jean Jadot: Pope's Man in U.S.," National Catholic Reporter, March 25,
1977, 7.
19. Thomas J. Reese,
S.J., "Diplomatic Relations with the Holy See," America 152 (March 16,
1985): 215.
20. Harold L. Ickes,
The Secret Diary of Harold L. Ickes, vol. 3 (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1955), 55. For more on Sheil, see pp. 36, 45, 55-56, 63-65, 110, 114, 159,
382-383, 403-404.
21. Fogarty, The
Vatican and the American Hierarchy, 264.
22. Ickes, Secret
Diary, 65.
23. Thomas J. Reese,
S.J., "Three Years Later: U.S. Relations with the Holy See," America 156
(January 17, 1987): 29-35.
24. James Hennesey,
S.J., American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the
United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 72.
25. Graham,
Vatican Diplomacy, 84.
26. For several
years, the appointment of an auxiliary was done in two stages: the bishop would
make the request, submit his reasons to the pro-nuncio, who would send it to the
Congregation for Bishops and the pope. If the response from Rome was positive,
then the second stage would begin with proposing names, questionnaires, and a
ternus. Around 1982, the congregation returned to the older practice of the
request and the ternus being submitted simultaneously as it is being described
here. Such changes do occur occasionally, but they are not announced or
generally made known.
27. The Official
Catholic Directory 1987 (Wilmette, IL: P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 1987). At the
time of this study, Santa Fe (with 272,338 Catholics) and Indianapolis (with
201,883 Catholics) were the only archdioceses with more than 200,000 Catholics
that did not have auxiliaries.
28. Canon 377 §3.
Terna is the Italian word in common use by the participants, but ternus
is the English term used in Code of Canon Law, Latin-English Edition
(Washington, DC: Canon Law Society of America, 1983).
29. Canon 377 §4.
30. Thomas J. Reese,
S.J., "The Seattle Way of the Cross," America 155 (September 20, 1986):
111-12 and "Hunthausen forced by Vatican to yield powers to auxiliary bishop,"
Religious News Service, September 5, 1986.
31. John Tracy Ellis,
Catholic Bishops: A Memoir (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1983), 59.
32. Canon Law Society
of America, Procedure for the Selection of Bishops in the United States
(Hartford, CT: Canon Law Society of America, 1973), 20.
33. "Material Used in
the Archdiocese of Baltimore," in Selection of Bishops Process, comp.
NFPC's Committee on Ministry and Priestly Life Task Force on the Selection of
Bishops Process (Chicago: National Federation of Priests' Councils, October
1974).
34. Ibid.
35. "Material Used in
the Archdiocese of Santa Fe," Selection of Bishops Process.
36. Thomas P. Doyle,
O.P., "The Selection of Bishops in the United States," (Washington, DC:
Apostolic Delegation Press Release, Undated [1983?], Mimeographed), 4.
37. Mary Ann Walsh,
"Wide Consultation Called Key in Picking New York, Boston Archbishops," NC News
Service, December 22, 1983.
38. Canon 377 §3.
39. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Consulting on the Selections," NC News Service, January 13,
1988.
40. Fogarty, The
Vatican and the American Hierarchy, 314.
41. Ellis,
Catholic Bishops, 19, and Fogarty, The Vatican and the American Hierarchy,
315.
42. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Shaping the World's Hierarchy in His Image," NC News Service,
January 13, 1987.
43. Ibid.
44. Andrew M.
Greeley, The Catholic Priest in the United States: Sociological
Investigations (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1972), 126.
45. If the
appointment involves a priest who is to be made a bishop, his candidacy must be
considered by the congregation. If the appointment involves a bishop who is
being promoted, the episcopal members of the congregation usually review the
promotion, but it can be handled by the cardinal prefect and the staff. In this
case, the staff would prepare a three- to five-page memo (Foglio d'Udienza)
summarizing the documents, which the prefect would then take with his
recommendation to the pope in a private audience. Cardinal Gantin, the current
prefect of the congregation, takes most appointments to a meeting of the
congregation before he takes them to the pope. His predecessor, Cardinal Baggio,
would more frequently bypass the congregation, but even under him, appointments
to large dioceses would go through the congregation.
On rare occasions
only one, two, or three members of the congregation may be consulted by the
prefect before taking the name of the candidate to the pope. If, for example, an
urgent appointment comes in during the summer when the congregation does not
meet, the prefect could ask one, two, or three members of the congregation to
study the dossier and give their opinions. But appointments in the United States
can usually wait until October when the congregation begins meeting again.
46. Sometimes the
ponente is referred to as the relator (summarizer).
47. Up to the mid
1970s, former papal representatives were often put on the Congregation for
Bishops. A former representative would often then be the relator or ponente for
the country where he had served. From 1976 on, the trend has been against
putting former representatives on the congregation, and therefore other
cardinals have been the ponentes.
48. Muriel Bowen,
"The Appointment of Bishops in Britain since Vatican II," in Concilium
137 (1980): 87. Upper Volta was not a very good example since its episcopal
candidates would go through the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples.
49. Statistics
updated from Thomas J. Reese, S.J., "A Survey of the American Bishops,"
America 149 (November 12, 1983): 286.
50. Fogarty, The
Vatican and the American Hierarchy, 26.
51. Peterson and
Schoenherr, "Organizational Status Attainment," 813. See also John D. Donovan,
"The American Catholic Hierarchy: A Social Profile," The American Catholic
Sociological Review 19 (June 1958): 109.
52. Bowen,
"Appointment of Bishops in Britain," 87.
53. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Consulting on the Selections," NC News Service, January 13,
1988.
54. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Shaping the World's Hierarchy in His Image," NC News Service,
January 13, 1988.
55. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Consulting on the Selections."
56. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: Shaping the World's Hierarchy in His Image."
57. "Ad quosdam
episcopos e Statibus Foederatis Americae Septemtrionalis occassione oblata `ad
Limina' visitationis coram admissos" (September 5, 1983), Acta Apostolicae
Sedis 76: 103-104, italics in original.
58. Peter
Hebblethwaite, Synod Extraordinary (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1986),
44. (The two sentences in parenthesis were in the written text but omitted by
the pope in his delivery.) For other controversial European appointments, see
Peter Hebblethwaite, "Rome's Choices Spark Uproar in Austria," National
Catholic Reporter, May 15, 1987, and "Bishops Against the Tide in Their
Sees," National Catholic Reporter, May 22, 1987. See also Dirk Visser,
"Vatican Angers Dutch Catholics in Death of Bishop of Haarlem," Religious News
Service, October 25, 1983; Agostino Bono, "Austrian Hierarchy Told to Resolve
Conflict over Bishop Choices," NC News Service, June 25, 1987; John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: A Trend in Appointments" and "The Pope's Bishops: Consulting on
the Selection," NC News Service, January 13, 1988; Olivia O'Leary, "The Battle
for the Diocese of Dublin," Magill, June 1984; Louis McRedmond,
"Archbishop Needed," The Tablet, August 18, 1984, and "Dublin's New
Archbishop," The Tablet, January 30, 1988. Also for Latin America, see
José Pedro S. Martins, "Brazil: Church Uneasy Over Recent Papal Appointments,"
Latinamerica Press, May 12, 1988, 6.
59. John Thavis, "The
Pope's Bishops: A Trend in Appointments."
60. Ellis,
Catholic Bishops, 105.
61. The Report of
the Bishops' Ad Hoc Committee for Priestly Life and Ministry (Washington,
DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1974), 10.
62. John F. Fahey,
"Sorry, These Norms Won't Do," America 127 (September 2, 1972), 113-14;
Ladislas Orsy, "What the New Norms Say and Don't Say," America 127
(September 2, 1972), 111-13; Canon Law Society of America, Procedure for the
Selection of Bishops (Hartford, CT: Canon Law Society of America, 1973);
"Theologians React," Origins 2:1 (May 25, 1972): 4 and 18; "National
Federation of Priests' Councils Statement," Origins 2 (May 25, 1972):
3-4.
63. Canon Law Society
of America, Procedure for the Selection of Bishops (Hartford, CT: Canon
Law Society of America, 1973), ii.
64. Orsy, "What the
Norms Say," 112.
65. Ibid., 113.
66. Canon Law Society
of America, Procedure for the Selection of Bishops, 9-20; see also Canon
Law Society of America's Selection of Bishops Committee, "The Plan for Choosing
Bishops," Origins 2 (May 25, 1972): 3-4.
67. Fahey, "Sorry,"
114.
68. John Jay Hughes,
"Selecting Your Bishops," America 126 (March 25, 1972): 310-12.
69. Greeley,
Catholic Priest, 146. Using a slightly different question, a 1985 survey
found 49 percent of the diocesan priests agreed it would be a good idea if the
priests in a diocese were to choose their own bishop. See Dean R. Hoge, Joseph
J. Shields, and Mary Jeanne Verdieck, "Attitudes of American Priests in 1970 and
1985 on the Church and Priesthood," Study of Future Church Leadership, Report #4
(Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, March 1986, Mimeographed),
table 2, p. 2.
70. NFPC's [National
Federation of Priests' Councils'] Committee on Ministry and Priestly Life Task
Force on the Selection of Bishops Process, Materials for Priests' Council Use
on the Selection of Bishops Process (Chicago: National Federation of
Priests' Councils, October 1974).
Chapter 2: The Ecclesial Environment
Every local church, like every
individual human personality, is very distinctive and very different.
Archbishop John R. Quinn
A diocesan bishop ... possesses
all the ordinary, proper and immediate power which is required for the exercise
of his pastoral office except for those cases...[reserved] to the supreme
authority of the church or to some other ecclesiastical authority.
(Canon 381)
After an archbishop is installed,
he is responsible for his archdiocese. Archbishops are frequently thought to be
absolute monarchs who can do whatever they want. In some areas, the archbishop's
power is nearly absolute, but in other areas his power is limited. He is not
exempt from moral, civil, or canon laws. His power is also limited by the
financial and personnel resources he has available and by the social and
ecclesial environment in which he operates./1 Finally, he is limited by the
traditions and expectations of the priests and people of his archdiocese. This
chapter will examine the normative, canonical, demographic, and historical
environment that an archbishop steps into when he takes over his archdiocese./2
Voluntary Membership
While the hierarchical structure of
the church gives the appearance of coercive power, the pope can no longer send
the Swiss Guard into a diocese to restore order. Nor do bishops have this
option, although they can call on the civil authority if civil laws are broken
through trespassing, breach of contract, theft, etc. Ultimately, church
authority rests on persuasion. "The ultimate expression of effective social
control" in a religious organization, as in most organizations, explains Joseph
Fichter, S.J., "must necessarily be the self-control of the subject."\3
But as in any voluntary
organization, individual Catholics have the ultimate freedom to disobey, to
withhold financial support, or simply to walk away. But while this freedom may
act as a deterrent to some abuses of power, few Catholics today want to leave
the church even when they disagree with its leadership. Likewise, while priests
can and do leave the ministry after conflicts with authority, a priest's
professional identity is inexorably tied to his continuing participation in the
church.\4 Participation requires some degree of conformity, since the bishop
decides who can continue to minister in his diocese. But ignoring regulations is
also possible. For example, over half the priests under 46 in 1969 had said Mass
without proper vestments.\5 Most bishops are not going to kick a priest out
except in extreme instances.
Ecclesiological Beliefs
As a normative organization, the
governance of the Catholic church is strongly influenced by the beliefs, values,
and opinions of its members and leadership about what is the proper exercise of
authority and power. Church theology functions in a way similar to ideology in
secular society. Where there is a consensus on goals, values, and norms, they
are more important in setting the boundaries to appropriate behavior than law or
coercion.\6 Where there is disagreement, clashes can occur. Where there is
uncertainty, there will be confusion.
Although there are numerous
theological disputes in the Catholic church, its members share many beliefs, a
common liturgy and sacramental system, and the same Scriptures. For the current
generation, the experience and documents of the Second Vatican Council are also
normative. Disagreements can occur in interpreting these documents, but they
provide the common text to which everyone appeals. The post-Vatican II emphasis
on service, collegiality, the principle of subsidiarity, and the pastoral role
of bishops has influenced episcopal behavior and the expectations of church
members. For example, collegiality, which strictly speaking refers to bishops
working together with the pope, has been stretched to included collegial
cooperation between bishops, priests, and people working together. The principle
of subsidiarity states that activities should take place at the lowest level
possible in society or the church. Both collegiality and the principle of
subsidiarity would argue against authoritarian and overly centralizing behavior.
Even a single book, like Models of the Church\7, can have an impact on
ecclesiological views and behavior.
In fact, the generally positive
attitude of Catholics toward the church and its leaders makes the work of
bishops easier. Two out of three Catholics express either "a great deal" or "a
lot" of confidence in the church, a higher percentage than for any other
institution.\8 And they believe, by 61 to 36 percent, that "leadership in the
church should be restricted to bishops, priests and deacons."\9 Interestingly,
only 28 percent of the diocesan priests agreed with this highly clerical notion.
This would seem to indicate the ability of theology to counter self-interest.
In diocesan governance, the bishop
must especially deal with the views of priests, the cadre working most closely
with him. While public opinion is not normative in the church, presbyteral
attitudes toward the bishop's role can affect what he can and cannot do. In
fact, Catholic priests are very supportive of episcopal government. In 1969,
Rev. Andrew Greeley found 61 percent of the priests considered themselves
members of the "bishop's team" and felt they were doing priestly work when
"doing a job that has the local bishop's approval."\10 Nine out of ten priests
thought that the bishop should have a very great or a great deal of influence in
determining policies and actions in the diocese.\11 "Even the younger priests
cast a majority vote for a strong bishop," reports Father Greeley.\12 Such views
reflect a acceptance by priests and laity of episcopal government authority on
the part of .\13
Father Greeley notes, however, that
for 29 percent of clergy, the way church authority is exercised is a great
problem for them. And 35 percent believed that the way church authority is
exercised is a great problem to most priests.\14 They wanted a decentralization
of power and decision-making influence. They supported greater power for
priests' senates, auxiliary bishops, pastors, and the laity. "One must conclude
that priests view ecclesiastical power as expandable rather than a fixed
pie--giving someone a larger piece does not mean that others get smaller
pieces."\15
These views have had an impact on
diocesan governance and how bishops exercise their power. The creation and use
of consultative bodies has been in response to the desires of priests for more
participation. By 1985, the percent of priests saying the way church authority
is exercised is a great problem for them, decreased to 22 percent. And only 9
percent of the diocesan priests said their relationship with their bishop is a
problem for them.\16
There are undoubtedly many reasons
for the decline in dissatisfaction among priests. The most dissatisfied priests
have left the ministry, and young priests today appear more satisfied. The
change from an authoritarian to a more pastoral episcopal style by most bishops
has also helped. Consultative structures have also diffused dissatisfaction. But
whatever the causes, the desire for strong bishops means that bishops can
exercise leadership especially if they have a consultative style that respects
the priests' council or senate. On the other hand, if priests and laity become
alienated, for example by the appointment of an authoritarian bishop, the bishop
will find it difficult to lead his people.
Canon Law\17
Canon law provides the legal
environment within which an archbishop must work. It both gives and limits his
power. Every seminarian studies canon law. About a third of the archbishops have
also done graduate work in canon law. Experience as a diocesan bishop (or as a
chancery official prior to his appointment as bishop) also gives an archbishop
some knowledge of the canon law. In addition, he would normally have a priest on
his staff with a degree in canon law.
On the positive side, the code of
canon law describes the bishops\18 as "teachers of doctrine, priests of sacred
worship and ministers of governance."\19 The bishops are "the successors of the
apostles by divine institution," and the vicars of Christ, not merely vicars or
agents of the pope. But they must exercise "the functions of teaching and
ruling...only when they are in hierarchical communion with the head of the
college [of bishops] and its members."\20
In short,
A diocesan bishop in the diocese
committed to him possesses all the ordinary, proper and immediate power which is
required for the exercise of his pastoral office except for those cases which
the law or a decree of the Supreme Pontiff reserves to the supreme authority of
the church or to some other ecclesiastical authority.\21
In order to understand the limits
of episcopal power, it is necessary to examine some of "those cases" that are
reserved to higher authority. In fact, many cases are reserved to the pope
because of Vatican concern for unity. A bishop cannot do many things even if he
wants to. He cannot rewrite liturgical texts or ceremonies, ordain women or
married men, or consecrate a bishop without Vatican approval. Where the code is
most detailed, it articulates the limits of episcopal power. Many important
decisions over doctrinal, moral, and liturgical issues are reserved to higher
authority: to the pope or to the national conference of bishops. Commentators
note
an ongoing tension in the
constitutional life of the church: the bishop is to enjoy increased decisional
discretion in the daily exercise of his office; yet, he is still situated within
a hierarchical structure, which stretches both above him and below him. The
Pope's prerogatives must be safeguarded if he is to exercise properly his role
of fostering the unity of all the churches.\22
In governing his diocese, however,
the bishop has a great deal of discretion. There is, in fact, no true separation
of powers as is common in civil society.\23 The diocesan bishop is the chief
legislator, executive, and judge in his diocese. The restrictions on his local
authority are primarily procedural checks on possible fiscal or pastoral abuses.
On the legislative side, he is the
legislative authority for the people in his archdiocese, but he may not issue
legislation contrary to laws passed by a higher authority, namely the pope or
the national conference of bishops. He is instructed to have a priests' council
(about half of whom are to be elected members),\24 and he can have a pastoral
council including members of the laity if he wants one.\25 He does not have to
follow the recommendations of these councils, but he must consult the priests'
council on the modification of parishes (their erection, division, or
suppression), on the calling of a diocesan synod, and on the imposition of a tax
to meet diocesan needs. More will be said about these bodies in chapter 3.
The bishop must also have a college
of consultors (6 to twelve priests from the priests' council with five-year
terms)\26 and a finance council (five-year terms, and must include at least
three persons "skilled in financial affairs as well as in civil law").\27 The
college of consultors and the finance council must give their consent for the
alienation of church property and "acts of extraordinary administration."\28
This will be explained more fully in chapter 5.
As chief executive, the bishop has
wide powers over policy, personnel, and finances in the diocese. He establishes
policies, creates programs, and opens offices. He appoints and can fire all
diocesan administrative officials. He "must see to it that all matters which
concern the administration of the entire diocese are duly coordinated and
arranged...."\29
He must appoint a priest or an
auxiliary bishop as vicar general who can have wide powers as his alter ego in
pastoral and administrative affairs.\30 But the bishop can limit the vicar's
authority by reserving as many matters as he wants to himself.\31 In Boston,
Chicago, Los Angeles (under Manning), and New York, the vicars general were very
powerful, but in some smaller archdioceses, they function hardly at all. The
bishop can also appoint episcopal vicars with geographic or functional
responsibilities.\32 Here again they only have as much power as he gives them.
In large archdioceses, the geographical vicars are often auxiliary bishops. The
use of functional vicars for administration is declining because lay people
cannot be vicars. As a result, it is more common for these administrators to be
called delegates, secretaries, or directors who have power delegated to them by
the bishop.
The bishop must appoint a
chancellor, who no longer has to be a priest.\33 The role of chancellor varies
greatly among the archdioceses. According to canon law, the chancellor is
responsible for taking care of the archives and for preparing certain canonical
documents. In New York and Atlanta, he has traditionally been the chief
financial officer. In Philadelphia and Los Angeles, he has been in charge of
priest personnel. In some archdioceses, he is the canonical adviser to the
archbishop.
In many places the chancellor acted
as the chief of staff. The 1983 code of canon law, however, created a new,
optional diocesan officer, the moderator of the curia, who must be a priest and
is normally also the vicar general. The moderator, under the bishop, is to
"coordinate the exercise of administrative responsibilities and to see to it
that the other members of the curia duly fulfill the office entrusted to
them."\34 As a result, if other persons are the vicar general, moderator of the
curia, priests' personnel director, and finance officer, the chancellor's role
is quite limited unless the bishop gives him or her special responsibilities.
Another official required under the
new code of canon law is the finance officer.\35 He is the only administrator
who cannot be removed by the bishop during his five-year term except for serious
reason and after consulting with his college of consultors and finance council.
More will be said about the financial administration of archdioceses in chapter
5.
As chief executive, the bishop
appoints not only chancery officials but also pastors. Archdiocesan procedures
dealing with the appointment and removal of pastors will be dealt with in detail
in chapter 6.
Finally, there is the role of the
bishop as judge. The diocesan tribunal exercises judicial functions under the
bishop, but this court mostly deals with the annulment of marriages. This is a
complex canonical area that the bishop usually leaves to the tribunal and its
canon lawyers. The bishop's main impact in this area is making sure that
sufficient numbers of canon lawyers are trained to handle the tribunal's case
load. In addition, adequate office equipment and secretaries are necessary. The
archdioceses of Atlanta and Detroit, for example, have developed sophisticated
computerized systems that have made their tribunals more productive.
Many bishops have also set up due
process or grievance panels that review the decisions of church officials in a
quasi-judicial fashion.
A bishop is very powerful in his
diocese, but there are limits to his power. He has wide latitude in organizing
his diocesan administration and in exercising his responsibilities. He has
almost complete discretion to appoint various officials and officers and to
delegate to them as little or as much authority as he pleases. Even auxiliary
bishops have practically no authority other than what he gives them. While the
bishop is required to have certain consultative bodies, he does not usually have
to listen to them. Since he determines the membership of those bodies whose
consent is required for certain actions (finance committee and consultors), he
can control them by appointing people who will say yes to him.
Most archbishops made little
reference to canon law when I interviewed them. Canon law does not loom large in
their lives, rather it is taken for granted as part of the ecclesial
environment. When asked how canon law affects their lives, most began talking
about their tribunal. Once appointed, the American archbishops do not spend
their time studying canon law, they spend it studying their archdioceses.
The Archdiocese
Sometimes a new archbishop is
familiar with the archdiocese because of past service there as a priest or an
auxiliary bishop. Archbishop Oscar Lipscomb recalls when he was appointed
archbishop of Mobile.
I came into my own home town. I
pretty well knew what was going on. Even more importantly, I told them at my
ordination, "I know what is not going on." [I know] what can happen, where all
the bodies are buried, and maybe where a few ought to be buried.
But usually, 84 percent of the
time, the archbishop comes from outside the archdiocese./36 The new archbishop
will have to spend time getting to know his archdiocese. Archbishop John F.
Whealon, who came to Erie and to Hartford from other dioceses, says that at
first he was "slow in making judgments" because he did not know the diocese.
If all archdioceses were identical
in makeup, the new archbishop would find few surprises when he arrived on the
scene. The contrary, however, is the case. Archdioceses are very different from
one another. "Every local church, like every individual human personality, is
very distinctive and very different," explains John R. Quinn, who has been
archbishop of both Oklahoma City and San Francisco. "Each has its own identity."
Archdioceses vary in geographical
size, in density of population, in percentage of Catholics, and in many other
ways./37 This external political, social, and economic environment of an
archdiocese has an impact on archdiocesan government and on how the archbishop
operates. Often what an archbishop does is in response to what he perceives to
be the needs of his archdiocese.
Boundaries
Diocesan boundaries for the most
part follow political boundaries. A diocese may contain a number of cities and
counties, but rarely is a political jurisdiction split between two dioceses. The
overlapping of civic and ecclesial boundaries makes church-government relations
simpler. Experience has taught the church the value of presenting to government
officials a united front, which is easier to achieve when only one bishop is in
a jurisdiction. The danger of having two bishops in one civil jurisdiction was
seen in the city of New York where two dioceses antedate the unification of
Brooklyn and New York cities in the nineteenth century. When New York City added
to its contracts a clause dealing with homosexual rights, the church was
embarrassingly divided with the bishop of Brooklyn signing the contracts while
the archbishop of New York refused.
Following political boundaries does
have a negative side effect. Many metropolitan areas, such as Kansas City, New
York, and St. Louis, are split between two dioceses because of state and local
boundaries. The church experiences the same problems governing such metropolitan
areas as do secular governments. Inconsistent policies between the two dioceses
cause confusion, and the duplication of programs causes inefficiency. In
addition, parishioners might live in one diocese and work in another, with their
psychological identity split between the two. If the public media is centered in
one diocese, that will also tend to orient people away from their own diocese
toward the media center. Archbishop Edward T. O'Meara of Indianapolis notes, "It
is very difficult for people [in southern Indiana] who live with their whole
lives oriented to Louisville to feel that their particular church is a church
that includes Terre Haute, Bloomington, Richmond, and Indianapolis."
Geographical Size
A geographically large archdiocese
will obviously be more difficult to govern than a smaller one. Geographic size
increases the costs of transportation and communication in any organization./38
The size of an average American archdiocese is 17,700 sq. mi., more than twice
the size of the state of Massachusetts. Archdioceses vary in size from Anchorage
(which, with 138,985 sq. mi., covers a fourth of Alaska) to Newark, with only
513 sq. mi. Simply visiting and getting to know the various parishes in a large
archdiocese can be very difficult. Archbishop O'Meara of Indianapolis estimates
that he puts 40,000 to 45,000 miles on his car every year visiting parishes in
his 13,500 sq. mi. archdiocese. Large size also hinders participation in
diocesan pastoral councils. In fact, geographic size is the most common reason
given for their demise./39 On the other hand, the same factors that make the
operation of consultative groups difficult also reduce the number of protests in
rural dioceses./40
In a small archdiocese, such as
Newark, San Francisco, or Chicago (all under 1,500 sq. mi.), the archbishop can
drive to the most distant parish under his jurisdiction in an hour or so,
depending on traffic. In large archdioceses, such as Anchorage, Santa Fe,
Oklahoma City, and Denver (all over 39,000 sq. mi.), it could take all day to
drive to the most distant parish. The archbishop of Anchorage, Francis T.
Hurley, flies his own plane around his archdiocese. But the other archbishops
travel by car. Some have chauffeurs so that the archbishop can work while
traveling.
Population
The geographically large
archdioceses would be impossible to govern if they also had large Catholic
populations. In fact, the five archdioceses with the largest areas all have
Catholic populations of under 340,000, which is about half the Catholic
population of an average archdiocese. They are thus large in size but small in
numbers.
The greater the number of
Catholics, the more difficult it is for the archbishop to minister directly to
his people. Through his surveys, Joseph Fichter, S.J., found that "the bishop in
the smaller diocese has a more immediate concern about his parish priests and
tends also to meet more frequently with the parishioners."/41 "More than half
(57%) of the parishioners in the small dioceses, as compared to less than one
fourth (23%) of the others, say that they have personally met their bishop or
are on friendly terms with him."/42 Priests in small dioceses were also much
more likely to say that the bishop took a personal interest in them. As a
result, it is not surprising that smaller dioceses have fewer instances of
protests by priests./43
On the other hand, large dioceses
have certain advantages over small dioceses. Bigness has been shown to have many
benefits in other organizations, including "easier, less expensive financing;
more numerous, highly trained intellects to attack trouble spots; sustained
research; and more accurately tailored and adaptable marketing systems."/44
Likewise, large dioceses usually have a larger pool of talented personnel and
bigger bank books than smaller dioceses. Larger dioceses tend to have better
organized and more competent chanceries. In Fichter's survey, priests in small
dioceses were less likely than priests in large dioceses to rate their diocesan
chanceries as efficient.
The average archdiocese has just
over 695,000 Catholics, but here again there is a wide diversity. The largest is
Los Angeles with 2.7 million Catholics, while the smallest is Anchorage with
only 22,928.
The problem of governing dioceses
with large numbers of Catholics has led to splitting them into smaller ones.
Every archdiocese with over 1 million Catholics (Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Los
Angeles, Newark, New York, and Philadelphia) is less than half the area of an
average U.S. archdiocese. The largest in this group, Los Angeles, with 8,762 sq.
mi., might someday have Santa Barbara and Ventura counties split off as a
separate diocese. This would leave Los Angeles County for the archdiocese of Los
Angeles. Working against such a split is the fact that the archdiocesan seminary
is in Ventura County. Few archbishops want to lose their seminary if their
diocese is split. In addition, an archbishop would be reluctant to split off a
rich suburban county if it left him with only a poor inner-city area that was
not financially viable.
Splitting a diocese makes it more
manageable for the bishop. Thus, Archbishop Quinn of San Francisco reduced his
administrative burden by pushing for the creation of a new diocese in San Jose
even though San Jose was not demanding independence. The archdiocese of Los
Angeles also spun off San Bernardino and Orange counties under Cardinal Timothy
Manning. If a large diocese cannot be split, the bishop will often divide it
into regional areas in order to aid governance.
Most archdioceses fall into one of
three categories depending on the density of their Catholic population. First,
the most highly concentrated archdioceses (Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Hartford,
Los Angeles, Newark, New York, Philadelphia, and San Francisco) have 300 or more
Catholics per square mile. They usually contain a very large metropolitan area
consisting of a central city and suburbs. Where an archdiocese is densely
populated and centered on one city, it often has a large, centralized chancery.
Most also have auxiliary bishops acting as regional vicars. In the early 1970s,
John Seidler found that the more urban a diocese, the more progressive the
bishop regarding changes in the church. On the other hand, urban dioceses were
also more likely to have priests protesting actions of their bishop./45
Some of these large archdioceses,
like Hartford, have more than one urban center. Possibilities then arise for
decentralizing the chancery staff, for example by having local offices of
education and Catholic Charities. Los Angeles is attempting this under
Archbishop Roger Mahony. But most archbishops fear such a strategy endangers the
unity of the archdiocese.
A second category contains
archdioceses with medium density, 90 to 190 Catholics per square mile. These
(Baltimore, Miami, Milwaukee, New Orleans, St. Louis, St. Paul, and Washington)
usually have a large metropolitan area, suburbs, and a rural area. These
archdioceses also frequently have strong centralized chanceries and auxiliaries
acting as regional vicars.
A third category contains
archdioceses with low population density, 20 or fewer Catholics per square mile.
They (Anchorage, Atlanta, Denver, Indianapolis, Kansas City, Louisville,
Oklahoma City, Omaha, Portland, and San Antonio) usually have a metropolitan
center and a large rural area with small towns. Here the chanceries tend to be
smaller. Often there is no auxiliary, or only one. If there is an auxiliary,
using him as vicar for the rural areas can cause the rural parishes to feel
abandoned by the archbishop. Visiting rural parishes can means tens of thousands
of miles of traveling each year by the archbishop. Providing clergy for these
small towns can also be difficult, and in these dioceses lay administrators of
parishes are more common. Creating a representative pastoral council can also be
difficult in these largely rural archdioceses. In the archdiocese of Omaha, for
example, two-thirds of the Catholics live in the metropolitan area of the city
of Omaha, but two-thirds of the parishes are outside this area./46
Some archdioceses (Cincinnati,
Dubuque, Mobile, Santa Fe, and Seattle) have more than one metropolitan center
within a mostly rural area. This encourages the decentralization of some
chancery offices, such as Catholic Charities and the school office. If these
centers were more populous, they would be made separate dioceses. Maintaining a
sense of unity in such an archdiocese can sometimes be difficult. On the other
hand, in an archdiocese like Mobile, with a small number of Catholics (66,548)
concentrated in two cities, the archbishop can adopt a nonbureaucratic, pastoral
style. Archbishop Lipscomb even goes to the Catholic high school football games
whenever he is in Mobile. In a more populous archdiocese this would be
impossible.
Religious, Ethnic, and Social Character
Not only the size, but the makeup
of the population can affect the governance of an archdiocese. As part of the
environment, the population can be characterized as hostile or benign,/47
homogeneous or heterogeneous, stable or rapidly shifting, unified or
segmented./48 A united, homogeneous Catholic population in a stable community is
quite different from a divided, heterogeneous population with a Catholic
minority in a rapidly changing community.
The activities of an archdiocese
will be affected, for example, by whether it is growing or declining in
population. The Catholic population of Miami skyrocketed practically overnight
as a result of Cuban and Haitian refugees. More typically, there has been
population growth in the South and Southwest, while parts of the Northeast have
declined. Atlanta Archbishop Thomas A. Donnellan reported,
We are a growing diocese, so it has
been necessary to establish about 3 new parishes every two years. That means a
good deal of planning, a good deal of consultation with priests in various
areas, and it means an active recruitment of vocations. Those would be primarily
the things with which I occupy myself.
But while Atlanta is building new
churches, other archdioceses (Baltimore, Chicago, and Detroit) have been
consolidating and closing churches, especially inner-city ethnic parishes from
which Catholics have moved to the suburbs.
In areas with large numbers of
Catholics (Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and San Antonio), the archbishop can
play an important role in civic affairs. But in non-Catholic areas (like
Atlanta, Mobile, and Oklahoma City), the archbishop's involvement may not be
welcomed unless he works closely with leaders of other denominations. Seidler
even argues that the religious makeup of the diocese can influence the behavior
of the bishop: the higher the percentage of Catholics in the population of the
diocesan area, the less humanitarian and egalitarian his style of leadership./49
The various Catholic groups within
an archdiocese provide both opportunities and challenges for the archbishop. The
more heterogeneous the population, the more archdiocesan organizations will be
created to deal with the various groups./50 These groups must be ministered to,
but they are also the groups from which come leaders in the church, both lay and
clerical.
The ethnic character of an
archdiocese, for example, solicits an archdiocesan response with programs and
offices. Historically, the church has responded to waves of immigrants (Irish,
Italian, German, Polish) with special programs and ethnic parishes. These old
ethnics are now loyal, mostly middle-class, Catholics. Today, archdioceses with
large Hispanic populations, such as Miami and those in the Northeast and the
Southwest, frequently have vicars or offices for the Hispanic apostolate.
Sometimes this vicar is an auxiliary bishop who is Hispanic. In San Antonio and
Santa Fe the archbishops themselves are Hispanic.
Besides large numbers of Hispanics,
Los Angeles and San Francisco also have numerous Asian and Pacific immigrants
who require a pastoral response to their language and culture. Anchorage must be
sensitive to Native Americans. Inner-city archdioceses are also compelled to
respond to black needs, both financial and spiritual. Offices or commissions for
other ethnic groups are common in multi-ethnic archdioceses.
How to deal with these groups and
still maintain one community of faith is a concern of archbishops. Archbishop
Quinn describes his strategy in San Francisco.
We respond to that in two ways:
first by trying to respect and encourage the distinctiveness of each culture and
language group, but second by trying to foster unity among the different groups.
When I came here and was asked to
appoint a vicar for the Spanish-speaking, I did not do so. While the Spanish
speaking had certain unique claims, I felt it would be probably offensive to the
many other groups, like the Filipinos and others, if the Spanish-speaking were
singled out.
There is a secretary for ethnic
affairs and a coordinator for the different individual groups, like the
Filipinos, the Chinese, the blacks, the Spanish speaking, and so on.
Archdioceses also have programs and
offices responding to major occupation groups. Farmers are a special concern in
rural archdioceses like Dubuque, Denver, Kansas City, Oklahoma City, and Omaha.
The elderly and retired in Miami and the diplomatic communities of Washington
and New York require special attention. An archdiocese with a large population
of university students, hospital patients, or prisoners must find chaplains to
serve them. Recently the church has responded to the AIDS crisis, especially in
cities with large homosexual populations such as New York, New Orleans, and San
Francisco.
If large numbers of people in the
diocese are poor or unemployed, they will not be able to contribute a lot of
money to the church. Archbishop Peter Gerety notes, "The problems of the city of
Newark brought on problems for the archdiocese." In addition, poor people will
often turn to the church for help. Here programs like Catholic Charities become
very important. The economic decline of Newark was matched by a growth in
Catholic social services.
The political climate can also
affect the archdiocese. In St. Paul, Archbishop John Roach explains:
In Minnesota we are politically a
liberal group and a very political group. The church is a product of this
society in that we tend to be very political. When I say liberal, I am not sure
what it means, but we move. Really early under Archbishop Leo Byrne, we
developed an urban affairs commission here which was way ahead of its time in
addressing the really hot social issues.
Chicago has the most politicized
clergy and church. "When you have grown up in Chicago, politics seeps into your
blood," explains the executive secretary of the personnel board in Chicago. The
church of Mobile is much quieter. "We have never been picketed," reports
Archbishop Lipscomb. "If pickets showed up, we would probably invite them in to
lunch to hear what they had to say."
Institutional Commitments
When the archbishop arrives in his
new archdiocese, he does not start from scratch. Many programs and institutions
are already in place with numerous employees, including the priests and
religious. Most of the churches, for example, including his cathedral, are
already built, although some may need extensive renovations or replacement.
These people and structures are both resources and obligations for the new
archbishop.
In comparing Oklahoma City and San
Francisco, Archbishop Quinn noted that in his first archdiocese there were only
two Catholic high schools and a junior college, while in the San Francisco Bay
area he found a wealth of Catholic educational institutions. Few Catholic
colleges are run by archdioceses; most are run by religious orders. The
faculties of these schools can be tapped by an archdiocese as a resource in the
continuing education of both priests and laity. They can also be a source of
conflict if the archbishop is at odds with their theologians. An archdiocese
without these institutions will need to fly in teachers and speakers for
workshops and institutes.
Some archdioceses (Chicago, Los
Angeles, New York, and Philadelphia) have so many primary and secondary schools
that they are bigger than most public school systems in the country. Each will
need a sophisticated department of education on the archdiocesan level, and the
archbishop will be responsible for their financial viability and their Catholic
character. He will have to deal with numerous parents, students, and teachers.
Mobile, on the other hand, has only one Catholic high school, and Anchorage has
none. More will be said about Catholic schools in chapter 7.
Some archdioceses have large
medical facilities. Catholic hospitals in Chicago, Cincinnati, Los Angeles, New
York, and Detroit, for example, treat over 1 million patients a year. New
Orleans, on the other hand, has only two Catholic hospitals treating 76,000
patients. Concerns about Medicare and Medicaid cuts, medical ethics, malpractice
insurance, and hospital finances eventually reach the archbishop if the
archdiocese has a number of hospitals.
Other archdioceses may have
extensive social service programs in place, such as orphanages, food kitchens,
housing for the elderly, nursing homes, counseling services, etc. More will be
said about Catholic social services in chapter 7.
All these institutional commitments
take work to continue, and they can also be politically difficult to close down.
They are both a resource and a liability to the archbishop. He can use them for
carrying out his ideas and plans, but he must also work to guarantee their
continued existence and effectiveness. His concern would most often be expressed
through separate agencies or boards of directors, but ultimately if they are
archdiocesan institutions, he must worry about their financial and spiritual
welfare.
Personnel
This institutional variety is
matched by a variety in personnel. The larger the number of schools, hospitals,
and social service agencies, the larger the number of lay and religious
employees in an archdiocese. Their talent and dedication is the life blood of
the local church. At the same time, someone has to deal with their problems and
pay their salaries. A large number of employees calls for a professional
personnel office. The lay workers might also have a union that the archbishop
must deal with.
Some archdioceses have large
numbers of religious women. While many religious communities were founded to do
one particular ministry (education or health care), most now have sisters in
various ministries. Besides teaching in schools and working in hospitals, many
are involved in other parish and archdiocesan ministries. In the past, the
archbishops could expect unquestioning service from these women; now they must
pay attention to their views and aspirations. Declining numbers of sisters have
placed an added financial burden on archdiocesan institutions that in the past
depended on the sisters' hard work at low pay. The religious communities
themselves are facing financial difficulties because the percentage of elderly
and retired sisters is increasing.
Finally there are the diocesan
priests upon whom the archbishop depends to minister in the parishes. Most of
the priests who will serve during his reign are already ordained and in the
parishes when he arrives. More will be said about these priests and their
relations with their archbishop in chapter 5, but, obviously, without them there
is no archdiocese. Without their cooperation, the archbishop can accomplish
little.
In a large archdiocese, the new
archbishop will also find one or more auxiliary bishops already present when he
arrives. One of the first things the new archbishop has to figure out is what to
do with these auxiliaries. What they do besides confirm is up to the archbishop,
although there has been pressure from the pro-nuncio to make them regional or
administrative vicars. As a regional vicar, an auxiliary would be responsible
for a geographical part of the archdiocese, while as an administrative vicar, he
would head a major agency in the chancery. But some older auxiliaries have
declined such positions, preferring to be pastors of parishes.
An auxiliary, since he is normally
from the archdiocese, can be very helpful to a new archbishop who is from
outside the archdiocese. The auxiliary knows the background and history of
archdiocesan institutions and personnel. But if the two do not work well
together, it can be a very uncomfortable relationship for both of them.
Tradition and Inheritance
Besides institutions and personnel,
traditions and history make archdioceses different. Some sees have had episcopal
giants (such as cardinals Francis Spellman of New York, Richard Cushing of
Boston, John Dearden of Detroit, and Lawrence Shehan of Baltimore) in whose
shadow their successors must operate. Every archbishop is compared to his
immediate predecessor. The style of his predecessor creates expectations on the
part of people in his archdiocese. If they are used to seeing the archbishop at
"every dog and cat fight in town," they will be disappointed if the new
archbishop does not attend their organizations' dinners, graduations, or award
ceremonies. An archbishop like Cardinal Cushing, who was well-loved by his
people and priests, is a hard act to follow as Cardinal Humberto Medeiros found
in Boston. On the other hand, Cardinal Joseph Bernardin was greeted with a sigh
of relief by his clergy and people after their experiences with Cardinal John
Cody.
Cardinal Medeiros was also
handicapped by finding a large debt (estimated at $50 million) when he arrived
in Boston. Inheriting a $25 million debt from your predecessor, as did
Archbishop Gerety in Newark, forces an archbishop to give a lot of attention to
finances. On the other hand, finding a financially secure archdiocese, as did
Cardinal John O'Connor in New York, Archbishop Mahony in Los Angeles and
Archbishop Bevilacqua in Philadelphia, can provide the new archbishop with a
great deal of flexibility.
Living in the shadow of one's
predecessor is even more difficult if he is still alive. With bishops retiring
now at seventy-five, a retired archbishop may be living in the archdiocese with
the new archbishop. But during my interviews, I never heard of a retired
archbishop interfering with the activities of his successor. Much to the
surprise of the local priests, strong personalities like Archbishops James Byrne
of Dubuque, William Cousins of Milwaukee, John Dearden of Detroit, James
McIntyre of Los Angeles, Lawrence Shehan of Baltimore, and Thomas Toolen of
Mobile either supported the new archbishop or kept quiet.
In Mobile, the archbishop is even
supposed to take care of the weather, a tradition that started in 1927 when
Bishop Thomas J. Toolen began a campaign of prayer after two hurricanes had
devastated the city. For the next forty-two years while he was bishop, Mobile
was not touched. To this day during hurricane warnings, people call the chancery
to ask if the archbishop is praying. Toolen's successor, John L. May, made it
through nine years until a hurricane hit Mobile. As he left Mobile for St. Louis
the following year, he told his successor Archbishop Lipscomb, "Pray hard, you
only get one hurricane."
Conclusion
Canon law tells a bishop in detail
what he cannot do but tells him little about what he is supposed to do, except
in the most general way. The specifics are mostly to protect against abuse of
office and disunity in the church. But the variety of dioceses in the United
States, to say nothing about the rest of the world, means that canon law was
never meant to provide detailed prescription for episcopal action. Nor is size
alone the controlling variable in archdiocesan governance. Organizations adapt
their structures to handle constraints and contingencies./51 In the pre-Vatican
II church with a stable environment with accepted ministries ("technologies"),
organizational structure was simple in spite of the size. A changing social and
theological environment and new ministries have required more complex
organization. Archbishops react to their environments, and this makes sense both
theologically and sociologically.
The institutions, the personnel,
traditions, and needs of an archdiocese provide the archbishop with the starting
point of his ministry. These provide him with opportunities, but they also are
restraints on his actions. He can attempt to guide the institutions and
personnel in new directions to achieve his goals. To do this he must organize
his archdiocesan administration in a way that fits his personality and style of
operating.
Footnotes
1. For a discussion of the impact
of environment on organizations, see James D. Thompson, Organizations in
Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 25-38.
2. "There is an abundance of
organizational forms in European dioceses, responding to various sociological
and pastoral conditions. The diocesan curia in European dioceses is also
affected by the Church-State relations in individual nations, particularly on
the level of trusteeship which is governed by specific legislation in the
different countries." Roland-Bernhard Trauffer, O.P., "Diocesan Governance in
European Dioceses Following the 1983 Code: An Initial Inquiry," in The
Ministry of Governance, ed. James K. Mallet (Washington, DC: Canon Law
Society of America, 1986), 195.
3. Joseph H. Fichter, S.J.,
Religion as an Occupation: A Study in the Sociology of Professions (Notre
Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 1961), 268.
4. Robert F. Szafran, "The
Distribution of Influence in Religious Organizations," Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion 15 (1976): 348. See also Thomas Ference, Fred
Goldner, and R. Ritti, "Priests and Church: The Professionalization of an
Organization," American Behavioral Scientist 14: 507-22.
5. Andrew M. Greeley, The
Catholic Priest in the United States: Sociological Investigations
(Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1972), 143.
6. For a discussion of domain
consensus, see Thompson, Organizations in Action, 29.
7. Avery Dulles, S.J., Models of
the Church (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1974). This book was spontaneously
mentioned by more interviewees than any other book.
8. George Gallup, Jr., and Jim
Castelli, The American Catholic People (Garden City, NY: Doubleday,
1987), 43.
9. Gallup and Castelli, American
Catholic People, 56. See also Dean R. Hoge, Joseph J. Shields, and Mary
Jeanne Verdieck, "Attitudes of Priests, Adults and College Students on Catholic
Parish Life and Leadership," Study of Future Church Leadership, Report No. 3
(Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, January 1986, Mimeographed),
table 5.
10. Greeley, Catholic Priest,
86.
11. Ibid., 136.
12. Ibid., 147.
13. Herbert A. Simon,
Administrative Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1957).
14. Greeley, Catholic Priest,
206.
15. Ibid., 147.
16. Dean R. Hoge, Joseph J.
Shields, and Mary Jeanne Verdieck, "Attitudes of American Priests in 1970 and
1985 on the Church and Priesthood," Study of Future Church Leadership, Report
No. 4 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, March 1986,
Mimeographed), table 9, p. 1.
17. For a summary of the canon laws
affecting bishops, see Thomas J. Green, A Manual for Bishops: Rights and
Responsibilities of Diocesan Bishops in the Revised Code of Canon Law
(Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1983). See also Sacred Congregation
for Bishops, Directory on the Pastoral Ministry of Bishops (Ottawa:
Canadian Catholic Conference, 1974); Thomas J. Green, "The Diocesan Bishop in
the Revised Code: Some Introductory Reflection," Jurist 42 (1982):
320-347; Thomas J. Green, "Rights and Duties of Diocesan Bishops," CLSA
[Canon Law Society of America] Proceedings 45 (1983): 18-36; James A.
Coriden, Thomas J. Green and Donald E. Heintschel, eds., The Code of Canon
Law: A Text and Commentary (New York: Paulist Press, 1985); Rembert G.
Weakland, O.S.B., "Local Implementation--Ecclesial Life Under the 1983 Code,"
CLSA Proceedings 46 (1984): 12-23; Michael A. Fahey, S.J., "Diocesan
Governance in Modern Catholic Theology and in the 1983 Code of Canon Law," and
James H. Provost, "Canonical Reflection on Selected Issues in Diocesan
Governance," in The Ministry of Governance, ed. James K. Mallet
(Washington, DC: Canon Law Society of America, 1986), 121-139, 209-51. For the
historical view, see John E. Lynch, C.S.P., "The Changing Role of the Bishop: A
Historical Survey," Jurist 39 (1979): 289-312.
18. Since canon law makes few
distinctions between the authority of a diocesan bishop and an archbishop in his
diocese, I will refer to bishops in general in this section except where
archbishops are specifically meant.
19. Code of Canon Law,
Latin-English Edition (Washington, DC: Canon Law Society of America, 1983),
Canon 375 §1.
20. Canon 375 §1-2.
21. Canon 381 §1. Some canonists
argue that it is not the bishop's power that is restricted but only his
discretion to exercise it. As a result, he could validly but not licitly
exercise his power in areas where its exercise is restricted. See Provost,
"Canonical Reflection," 218-19.
22. Thomas J. Green, "Title I:
Particular Churches and the Authority Established in Them," in The Code of
Canon Law: A Text and Commentary, ed. by Coriden, Green, and Heintschel,
325.
23. Canon 391 §1-2.
24. Canon 495-501.
25. Canon 511-514.
26. Canon 502.
27. Canon 492.
28. Canon 1277.
29. Canon 473 §1.
30. Canon 475.
31. Canon 479.
32. Canon 476.
33. Canon 482.
34. Canon 473 §2.
35. Canon 494. See John J. Myers,
"The Diocesan Fiscal Officer and the Diocesan Finance Council," CLSA
Proceedings 44 (1982): 181-88.
36. Statistics updated from Thomas
J. Reese, S.J., "A Survey of the American Bishops," America 149 (November
12, 1983): 287.
37. For statistics on U.S.
dioceses, see "General Summary," The Official Catholic Directory 1988
(Wilmette, IL: J. P. Kenedy & Sons, 1988).
38. Thompson, Organizations in
Action, 68.
39. Mary P. Burke and Eugene F.
Hemrick, Building the Local Church: Shared Responsibility in Diocesan
Pastoral Councils (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1984), 18.
40. John Seidler, "Priest-Protest
in the Human Catholic Church," National Catholic Reporter, May 3, 1974,
14.
41. Joseph H. Fichter, S.J.,
Priest and People (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1965), 177.
42. Fichter, 166-167.
43. Seidler, "Priest-Protest," 14.
44. Thompson, Organizations in
Action, 45.
45. Seidler, "Priest-Protest," 14.
46. Burke and Hemrick, Building
the Local Church, 12.
47. On the effect of a hostile
environment on the diocesan structures in early American history, see Thomas
Curry, "The Emergence and Development of a Style of American Diocesan Governance
in Response to External Factors," in The Ministry of Governance, ed.
Mallet, 1-20.
48. Thompson, Organizations in
Action, 68-70.
49. Seidler, "Priest-Protest," 14.
50. Thompson, Organizations in
Action, 70-71.
51. Ibid., 73-79.
Chapter 3: Style and Structure
By Thomas J. Reese,
S.J.
Hero, Nero, and
Zero.Description
of three archbishops
The archbishop of
New York is foolishly expected to have an opinion on every subject in the world.
Cardinal O'Connor
Whenever a new
archbishop is to be appointed, the priests and laity of the archdiocese are
asked to describe the type of person they would like to have as archbishop.
Jesus Christ would have a hard time fulfilling the expectations that people have
for their archbishop.
The ideal archbishop
is a pastorally sensitive administrative genius who can prophetically preach the
gospel in a non-threatening way and provide extensive
social services and educational programs at low cost with few bureaucrats. He
must govern in a way that is widely consultative, decisive, innovative,
collegial, orthodox, and that keeps everyone happy. He must be prophetic in his
concern for the poor and raise money from the rich. He must convince his priests
that they are the most important people in the archdiocese without alienating
religious and laity by being excessively clerical.
He should provide
national and international leadership in the church without leaving the
archdiocese more than two days a year. He must be a holy priest who understands
the real world of budgets and finances. He must be loyal to the Holy Father, but
he should not be pushed around by the Vatican. He must give every priest the
parish he wants and every parish the priest it wants. And he should be
ecumenical but stress his Catholic identity.
Backgrounds
While this may be the
ideal, what in fact are the men like who become archbishops? Archbishops, like
other bishops, mostly come from working-class backgrounds that are similar to
the backgrounds of their priests.\1 Half of their fathers never graduated from
high school, only 12 percent graduated from college, and an additional 36
percent graduated from high school. The average archbishop is fifty-three years
of age when he is appointed.\2 He can therefore look forward to twenty-two years
in office until he reaches retirement age (seventy-five). Appointing older men,
such as archbishops John O'Connor to New York and Anthony Bevilacqua to
Philadelphia (both were in mid-sixties when
appointed), means that they will be in office fewer years.
Ninety percent of the
archbishops were already bishops and 61 percent were diocesan bishops (the head
of a diocese) when they were promoted. They had served about six years as a
bishop before becoming an archbishop. Being a diocesan bishop or even an
auxiliary gives a man some of the experience and skills he would need as
archbishop.
Before becoming a
bishop, about half of the archbishops had held a top chancery position (vicar
general, chancellor, secretary to the bishop). In these positions they would
learn much about church administration. But some archbishops (William Borders of
Baltimore, John Dearden of Detroit, Patrick Flores of San Antonio, Peter Gerety
of Newark, Raymond Hunthausen of Seattle, Francis Hurley of Anchorage, Thomas
Kelly of Louisville, Daniel Kucera of Dubuque, William Levada of Portland (OR),
John May of St. Louis, Eugene Marino of Atlanta, John O'Connor of New York,
Edward O'Meara of Indianapolis, John Roach of St. Paul, Rembert Weakland of
Milwaukee, John Whealon of Hartford) had never worked in a chancery before
becoming a bishop.
Thirty-five percent
of the archbishops (Borders, James Byrne of Dubuque, John Carberry of St. Louis,
Dearden, Thomas Donnellan of Atlanta, Flores, James Hickey of Washington (DC),
Hunthausen, John Krol of Philadelphia, Kucera, Levada, Marino, Daniel Pilarczyk
of Cincinnati, John Quinn of San Francisco, Roach, Charles Salatka of Oklahoma
City, and Whealon) as priests had worked in a seminary, often as rectors.
Working as seminary rector provides some administrative experience, especially
in working with priests before they are ordained. Since an essential part of a
bishop's job is working with priests, this is quite useful.
Finally, the
archbishops are better educated than most priests but not much better educated
than other bishops. About 30 percent have either a S.T.D. (the highest
ecclesiastical degree in theology) or a J.C.D. (the highest degree in canon
law). Most of these degrees are from Roman institutions or the Catholic
University of America in Washington, DC. Half the archbishops studied in Rome.
Half also studied at Catholic University. In so far as their views parallel
those of other bishops, they are more "conservative" on religious attitudes and
sexual morality than their priests and more "liberal" on ecumenism and social
action.\3
No one has all the
qualities necessary for being a perfect archbishop. As a result, each archbishop
tends to emphasize certain aspects of the job. The personality and preferences
of the archbishop play an important part in determining how he spends his time
and how he organizes the archdiocese. This chapter will examine a typical day in
the life of an archbishop, his style of governance, and how an archdiocese's
organization and structure is influenced by the personality and style of the
archbishop.
A
Typical Day for a Workaholic
Most American
archbishops are workaholics who try to do everything in the job description for
an ideal archbishop. Even those in their seventies at the time of my interviews
(Borders, Philip Hannan of New Orleans, Krol, and Timothy Manning of Los
Angeles) would run into the ground a younger man trying to keep up with their
schedules.
A few have been
slowed down by ill health. Before or during the period of my study, archbishops
with serious health problems included: James Casey of Denver and Donnellan (who
died in office); Borders, Gerety, Hunthausen, Edward McCarthy of Miami, Daniel
Sheehan of Omaha, and Edmund Szoka of Detroit (who had heart problems); Flores
(who had an operation on his inner ear); Krol (who had an operation on his
throat); Quinn (who took a six-month sabbatical because of stress); and Whealon
(cancer).
Most archbishops
would consider an eight-hour day a rare luxury. A typical day in the life of an
archbishop will begin around 6:30 in the morning after turning in at 11:30 the
previous evening. Most days will be spent in the office dealing with mail,
appointments, and meetings. Many evenings and weekends are given over to parish,
archdiocesan, and civic functions. Sometimes these functions and meetings of
committees and boards will also take the archbishop out of the office during the
day.
Most archbishops find
it difficult to describe a typical day in their lives. Archbishop Roach gives it
a try:
I am not sure there
is one. I will give you about as typical a day as I would have. I get up at 6:30
in the morning and get on an exercycle for twenty minutes.
I try to spend a half
hour or thereabouts in prayer. Then, depending upon what my schedule is, I have
Mass at home if I don't have Mass somewhere else during the day. About three
times during the week I have Mass somewhere else.
Then I am in the
office by 9:00 or a little bit before. The first thing I try to do in the
morning is go through the NC News Service, just to see what's happened the day
before.
Then I try from 9:15
to 11:00, generally, although that tends to get eroded very badly, I try to do
office work, mail, that kind of stuff.
Start appointments at
11:00 and go from 11:00 to 5:00, pretty much with appointments or meetings. Then
I try to get out of here at five o'clock.
If I've got an
evening commitment, which is rather frequent, then I do that. About three nights
a week I would have evening things. In the spring, when confirmation schedule is
heavy, it is a little more than that; I'm probably out four nights a week.
If I don't have an
evening commitment, I do a variety of things. I try to do a fair amount of
reading. I try to do some recreational reading and some professional kind of
reading. I tend to do a lot of speaking. Last night I worked, and that's not
typical, until 10:30 here in the office getting ready for some talks that I've
got to give.
Office Work
Office work can take
up a great amount of time. Many letters the archbishop receives can simply be
passed on to one of his subordinates. They will answer the letter or draft an
answer for the archbishop's signature. Some archbishops have their secretaries
distribute incoming correspondence, but most like to see all their mail as a way
of keeping in touch. Some letters, especially those from priests, archdiocesan
officials, bishops, civic and ecumenical leaders, will have to be answered by
the archbishop himself.
Archbishop Gerety of
Newark described the mail on his desk the day I interviewed him:
In the mail you will
find all sorts of things. You will find things that relate to parish life,
permissions that are being requested, complaints that are being made--somebody
is mad because he didn't receive justice in the tribunal or something like that.
This morning, here
are some examples. There is talk of a merger of a couple of parishes. Well, of
course you will have all sorts of complaints about that. I get a lot of stuff
like that.
Here is a
notification--I have to be at the Serra International to celebrate Mass next
week.
Here is an inquiry
from the Westside Presbyterian Church, they are looking for retreat facilities.
Here is a complaint
about some land we have. It's a landfill that has been smoking and the people
are mad.
Here is a
complaint--a letter I received from Cardinal Mayer [of the Congregation for
Divine Worship] because somebody from here wrote in complaining about the
distribution of the precious blood in the archdiocese of Newark.
Here Bishop Arias,
who is vicar for Hispanics, sent me a copy of a letter he wrote to the parishes
because we're changing our schedule of Masses. He wants to make sure that the
Hispanic population gets a proper shake in the Mass schedule.
Here is another one
from one of your Jesuit provincials, asking for correspondence with regards to
one of your priests.
Here is another, a
Benedictine who wants faculties for a couple of fellows and approval for their
assignments.
Here is a request
from the New Jersey Catholic Conference to approve the appointment of an
educational aide down there in Trenton.
Here's another
communication from the North American College in Rome notifying me that they
have accepted one of our priests for their next course in the fall, and I have
to see to it that he is released and all that business.
Last year we had over
ninety meetings with the sisters and religious because of the Quinn Commission.
We listened to them about how they felt abut the "Essential Elements" [a
document on religious life issued by the Vatican] and how they felt about
religious life. Here is the responses from the religious.
That's a guy who
wants to get laicized.
Here is a complaint
about the tribunal.
I get a lot of crank
letters. I've got two or three right there complaining about this, that, or the
other thing. Sometimes I don't reply because they are absolutely nuts. But other
times you got to at least pay attention, say, "I'll take your ideas into
consideration" or some blasted thing. It depends on what it is. You don't want
the people to feel that they can't approach you.
I just got through a
lot of other stuff, dictating to the secretary in between appointments.
Archbishop Gerety had
a busy schedule of appointments that day also:
Today [June 24, 1985]
is a typical day, it has certain things happening today that don't happen every
day, but in a sense it is a typical day.
I frequently start in
with a breakfast meeting because some of the archdiocesan corporations are made
up of laymen [who work during the day]. I have already seen three priests for
various reasons [before 11:00 A.M], and I have gone through the mail, which on
Monday morning can be rather heavy. After I finish with you, for a few minutes I
am going to see a seminarian who's going to Rome.
We have a large
number of corporations that are under the archdiocese of Newark, so I've got to
be interested in all that stuff. I am on all those boards. We have an
archdiocesan hospital corporation; that is an umbrella corporation that has
under it three of our Catholic hospitals that are directly the responsibility of
the archdiocese. I got a fairly lengthy report on their activities, finances and
everything else, from the fellow who runs the corporation. We have a lot of
problems in that area. So after I have a bite to eat, I am going to have a
meeting about the health corporation with the vicar general and our chancellor
for administration, who is on the corporation board. We got other
things--cemeteries, we got womb to tomb.
And at two o'clock,
after that meeting, I am going to be given a slide presentation [by city
officials] of the changes that are going to take place, or at least are
proposed, for Jersey City. They are of concern to us because the changes will
affect the parishes.
Then at 3:30 I am
going to see an archbishop from India who is here and wants to come in and shake
my hand, I guess.
Then at 4:30 I have a
meeting with the Foundation for Educational Alternatives, which is one of our
corporations, which is a foundation to help out poor kids; and they are going to
stay for dinner. That's what I am doing today.
Engagements outside
the office, especially in parishes, frequently take place in the evening and on
weekends. In a geographically large archdiocese this can mean late hours and
much traveling. Archbishop Oscar Lipscomb of Mobile describes one of his worst
weekends:
I get home generally
at ten or eleven o'clock at night, if I have my wishes. If I don't, it is
whenever it is that traveling brings me in, generally very late.
I was in Montgomery
for a catechist day on Saturday morning. All the catechists from that area came
by, and we had a big Mass. I commissioned them all as catechists. That afternoon
we dedicated a new addition to the social service center in Montgomery.
The next morning
[Sunday] I had Mass at a parish where I had not been for some time since a new
pastor was appointed. I dealt with some personnel problems in the afternoon.
Sunday night I went
up [eighty-five miles] to Birmingham and offered Mass the next morning for a
lady whose husband had died, who I had known for many years. In the middle of
the day, I had something else.
This was all
preparatory to going on television with Mother Angelica. So I finished
television live with Mother Angelica at 9:00 P.M. and at ten o'clock I left to
drive [260 miles] to Mobile. I got home at three o'clock in the morning, pretty
well dead.
Despite being
workaholics, archbishops cannot do everything. With a limited amount of time
available to them, their personalities and the needs of the archdiocese will
make them concentrate on certain activities. How archbishops use their time is
one way of defining their episcopal styles.
Episcopal Styles
There are many ways
that bishops can be categorized.\4 One archdiocese had a well loved archbishop
who was followed by a tyrant and then by a nonleader. The priests dubbed them,
"Hero, Nero, and Zero." As it turned out, when Zero retired, the priests were
sorry to see him go as they realized how many things he had permitted to happen.
Catholic bishops are
most frequently categorized in the press as liberals or conservatives, two
categories this book tries to avoid. More sophisticated writers note that the
bishops, in comparison with American society, tend to be liberal on social
issues and conservative on doctrine and morals. Within these categories may be
shades of differences, but they are slight compared to American society as a
whole. This is shown by the almost unanimous support given by the bishops to
their pastoral letters on peace and economic justice. Likewise on doctrine and
morals, only a couple of bishops have publicly disagreed with the pope on
women's ordination, Humanae Vitae, or any other major issue. In any case,
this book does not attempt to fathom the theological or social views of the
bishops. Rather its emphasis is on what bishops do, how they spend their time,
how they make decisions.
In Models of the
Church,\5 Avery Dulles, S.J., describes the church as institution,
sacrament, communion, herald, and servant. As a result, bishops could be
examined in their functions as leaders in each of these aspects of the church.
Canon law refers to bishops as "teachers of doctrine, priests of sacred worship
and ministers of governance."\6 Some attention will be given to the role of
bishops as teachers (heralds) and priests of worship (sacrament and communion).
But this book primarily examines the bishop's role in governance, as a leader in
the church as an institution.
While each archbishop
is an individual with unique talents and personality, it is possible to make
some generalizations about governance styles of archbishops. The most valuable
resource an archbishop has is his time. Even the workaholics are not able to do
everything. How an archbishop uses his time is one way by which they can be
described as pastors, administrators, teachers, national leaders, or a
combination. Bishops are frequently classified as administrators or pastors, but
this dichotomy needs more nuance. The next section will attempt to describe
episcopal types. What will be described are archetypes, with examples of
archbishops who epitomize these categories. But archbishops perform all of these
functions to varying degrees, although they are usually more comfortable with
some roles rather than others.
Civic Leader
In their local
communities, archbishops are not only church leaders, they are also major public
figures. Their presence is desired at many events because the archbishop can
give them added credibility and visibility. For example, when the first research
conference on AIDS was scheduled in New York City, the sponsors found that
politicians were afraid to attend. Some politicians feared a negative reaction
from the New York archdiocese. When one of the sponsors informed Cardinal
Terence Cooke of this problem, he offered to give the invocation at the opening
of the conference.
While trying to avoid
being used for political purposes, archbishops are willing to give their
presence to events that benefit the community. For example, Archbishop Flores
made spot announcements on San Antonio radio and television urging people to
register and vote. Many archbishops see this as part of being a good citizen and
as a way of showing the involvement of the church in the life of the local
community. In addition, it is useful for them to keep on good terms with civic
officials whose cooperation may be needed on zoning, local ordinances, or
funding for Catholic social services.
Frequently
archbishops are called upon to deal with civic problems through their social
services. Many archbishops have been approached by civic leaders to run programs
for the homeless and the poor. Sometimes they also get involved in civic
disputes directly. "Whenever there is any trouble, I am called upon to be a
go-between," explains Archbishop Hannan of New Orleans. "For instance, the black
militants would come and talk to me, but they won't talk to the black mayor.
Then I am supposed to go and talk to the mayor about what is worrying them."
After a police shooting in a black neighborhood, representatives of the black
community, police, and mayor secretly met at night in the archbishop's office
trying to work out their differences.
But some archbishops
profess not to want to be civic leaders. "A recent newspaper article referred to
me as one of the ten most powerful people in San Francisco, but as one who
underused his potential to have influence," reports Archbishop Quinn. "That
rather pleases me. I do not want to have that kind of influence. It is not my
role. I want my religious role to be obvious and clear." On the other hand, his
view of his religious role led Archbishop Quinn to be in the forefront in San
Francisco on issues like sanctuary, AIDS and the nuclear freeze.
As public figures,
archbishops' support is also solicited on various public issues. Some have
spoken forcefully on controversial local issues (capital punishment, public
school integration, local gay rights ordinances, fluoridated water, public
school health clinics, state funding of abortions, and the location of race
tracks, low-income housing, shelters, and soup kitchens). They are concerned
about what happens in the civic community because it can impact on the church.
They also feel a responsibility to influence public policy in a direction that
is moral and just. Their positions on community issues often affect how these
issues are resolved. But when Catholics are a small minority in the community,
it is less likely that the archbishop will be a visible community leader.
Ecumenical Leader
Increasingly, the
archbishops attempt to coordinate their public activities with other religious
leaders in the community. In some cities, the judicatory heads of major
religious groups meet to discuss issues of common concern. These ecumenical
groups sometimes take united positions on public issues. Archbishop Weakland of
Milwaukee reports,
My day has as many
Protestants seeing me sometimes, as Catholics. I see the Lutheran and the
Anglican bishops a lot more than Catholic bishops, except my auxiliaries. We do
everything together. That's important in a city like ours.
Some archbishops also
encourage their parishes and agencies to work with other church groups. Some
archdioceses, like Louisville, have signed covenants with other churches where
they commit themselves to joint programs of prayer and social services.
Ecumenical efforts are especially strong with Jewish groups in Los Angeles and
New York and with mainline Protestant groups throughout the country. For the
most part, conservative fundamentalist groups are not interested in cooperation
except in the pro-life field.
National and International Leader
Some archbishops are
not only leaders locally, but also nationally and internationally. The cardinal
archbishops are called on to do projects for the national and international
church. For example, Cardinal Krol was involved in investigating Catholic Relief
Service and the Vatican bank and in raising funds for Polish farmers and the
Vatican debt. Cardinal Bernardin is a member of the council for the synod.
Cardinal O'Connor is a member of the Congregation for Bishops. Cardinal Law is
working on the international catechism.
On the national
level, every three years, the bishops elect a president and vice president of
the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB). Normally at the end of his
three-year term, the vice president is elected president. All the presidents of
the NCCB (except Bishop James Malone) have been archbishops: Dearden, Krol,
Bernardin, Quinn, Roach, and May. Archbishop Pilarczyk, elected vice president
in 1986, will probably become president in November 1989.
The NCCB elections
are a good indication of which bishops are respected by their peers. The
inability of Cardinal Law and Archbishop Mahony to get elected to any NCCB
office in 1986 was noted by many commentators as an indication of their weak
standing among their fellow bishops. The next year, however, Archbishop Mahony
was elected chairman of the bishops committee on international issues.
The president and
vice president of the conference frequently act as spokesmen for the American
bishops on religious and public issues. They have met with U.S. presidents and
represented the American bishops at national and international meetings. They
also visit Rome a couple of times a year to express the views of the American
bishops to the Vatican. These jobs are in addition to bishops' work in their
dioceses. Being NCCB president, Archbishop Roach reports, took 30 percent of his
time.
Being on a NCCB
committee can also be time consuming, especially for the chairman. Archbishop
Weakland chaired the committee drafting the bishops' economic pastoral, while
Cardinal Bernardin chaired the committee for the peace pastoral. Archbishop
Quinn chaired the papal commission on religious life and, with cardinals
Bernardin and O'Connor, was on the committee that resolved the Seattle crisis.
But some archbishops avoid national work because they want to devote all their
time to their archdioceses.
Teaching Archbishop
All archbishops
consider themselves teachers, but some take this role more seriously than others
and are willing to take time from other duties to read, prepare talks and write.
About a third were teachers earlier in their careers, usually in seminaries. "I
like to teach," reports Archbishop Roach, a former headmaster, "and very few
people in the world have an opportunity to teach in the same way that the bishop
does. That is a terrible burden, but it is also a remarkable opportunity, and I
do like to teach."
Of all the
archbishops, only Archbishop Whealon of Hartford currently teaches in a
classroom. He teaches Scripture to seminarians and candidates for the permanent
diaconate. Few archbishops are qualified to be academic theologians. Only five
(archbishops Hickey, Levada, McCarthy, O'Meara, and Pilarczyk) of the current
thirty-one archbishops have S.T.D.'s, the highest ecclesiastical degree in
theology. Archbishop Lipscomb has a Ph.D. in church history, Archbishop
Pilarczyk, in classics; Cardinal O'Connor, in political science; Archbishop
Kucera, in education; and Archbishop Bevilacqua has a J.D. Only six archbishops
(Bevilacqua, Hannan, Hickey, Kelly, McCarthy, and Sheehan) have J.C.D.'s, the
highest degree in canon law. (Donnellan, Krol, and Power also have J.C.D.'s.)
Some fulfill their
teaching role by exercising vigilance over the theologians at their seminaries
and at local Catholic colleges and universities. Cardinal Law shocked a
graduation audience by expressing the hope that Jesuit-run Boston College might
become more Catholic, although he did not explain how it should do this. As
chancellor of the Catholic University of America, Cardinal Hickey has been the
Vatican point man in dealing with Rev. Charles Curran, the moral theologian
whose views on certain moral issues were questioned by church officials. He also
opposed the appointment of a dean of religious studies who, he felt, held an
unorthodox position on sterilization.
But most archbishops
exercise their teaching role primarily through their sermons at confirmations
and other liturgies. Archbishop Kelly, being of the Order of Preachers, takes
each sermon very seriously.
There is nothing more
satisfying to me than to preach to a church full of people and to keep their
attention. I work hard at my preaching. It is very important to get their
attention and hold it and to talk to them about themselves and my experience as
their bishop. That is what the pope does. I admire him most for his willingness
to be present to the universal church in his preaching. And he does that
exceptionally well.
Besides preaching,
some bishops use confirmations as an opportunity to meet with young people to
answer their questions. Before their confirmations, Archbishop Donnellan brought
them to the Atlanta cathedral where they could ask him questions on confirmation
or anything else.
It's fun, it takes a
little time for them to loosen up and ask questions, but then you might go for
two hours in which they are just asking questions. Also, since their parents are
there with them, their parents ask questions. Sometimes, that is a difficult
experience, but it is a fun experience.
Archbishop Hannan
also opens himself up to questions from high school seniors, whom he meets with
every year. As he explains,
I speak a very short
time, maybe ten minutes at the most, and then ask them to ask me any questions
they want--to make sure that they know that the church has an answer for
everything and that we are approachable in every problem that they have and that
we want to help them.
About half of
the archbishops use a column in their archdiocesan newspapers to carry their
teachings beyond the sound of their voices. As teachers they attempt to motivate
and inspire their people./7
Archbishop Weakland explains,
I write an article
each week for the Catholic newspaper, which is very important to me as a means
of communicating with people on a spiritual level. These are not informative
articles as such. They usually are more of a spiritual nature.
A few archbishops
have become nationally recognized as teaching bishops through articles, pastoral
letters, and addresses. None has published in Theological Studies, the
most prestigious American theological journal. Cardinals Bernardin, Krol, and
O'Connor and Archbishops Hurley, Lipscomb, May, Pilarczyk, Quinn, Stafford,
Weakland and Whealon have published in America, a Catholic periodical
frequently read by the bishops.\8
Another way of
identifying teaching bishops is to see which archbishops write speeches and
pastoral letters that gain national attention. Some archbishops use ghost
writers for early drafts of these documents, but the final version represents
their views and implements their teaching role no matter who wrote it. Episcopal
statements that gain national attention are usually printed in Origins.
Archbishops Bernardin, Quinn, and Roach are cited more frequently in the author
index of Origins than any other archbishops.\9 This is partially due to
the fact that while presidents of the bishops' conference, their addresses and
statements were frequently printed in Origins. But even discounting these
official statements, Bernardin and Quinn have been quite prolific. Since
becoming chairman of the committee drafting the pastoral on the economy,
Archbishop Weakland has been more prominent in Origins, as have
archbishops May and Pilarczyk since becoming president and vice president of the
conference. Other archbishops whose works have been frequently reprinted in
Origins include Mahony, Hickey, O'Connor, Stafford, Law, Bevilacqua and
Borders.
But most archbishops
do not make the time for the reading and writing that the teaching role
requires. Archbishop Quinn is an exception. It is not unusual for him to take a
whole afternoon off to read and to write articles and addresses. He explains:
I have a great
feeling that when I get up to speak I should say something of substance. I think
my mission in the church is to be a bishop, that means to me that my mission is
to say something that has substance to it. So I try to always say something of
substance. I try to prepare what I have to say. So I work on these things before
I give them.
One San Francisco
chancery official said of Archbishop Quinn, "He is more of a theologian than an
administrator. He would be much better as the head of the Vatican Congregation
on Doctrine of the Faith."
Media Minister
No archbishop in the
United States has been as effective communicating through electronic media as
have Protestant TV evangelists. A few (cardinals Cody and Szoka and Archbishop
Hannan) have spent large sums developing archdiocesan television centers, but
the high cost has deterred most bishops from taking that route. Cardinal
Bernardin dismantled the Chicago television center built under Cardinal Cody.
Many archbishops are members of the Catholic Television Network of America (CTNA),
but unless the archdiocese can get local cable companies to carry the programs,
they are little used except as videos for classroom and parish discussions.
A few archbishops,
like Archbishop Weakland, use television or radio Masses to reach more people in
their archdioceses. The Milwaukee archbishop explains:
I consider my primary
task that of a teacher, and I do what I think is a lot of teaching. I tape a
broadcast Mass every Sunday on the radio--eight o'clock out of the
cathedral--and I work hard on that homily. It's listened to by about 70,000, so
it's worth taking it as a serious chance to reach a lot of people. I find from
correspondence I get that it reaches a lot of non-Catholic people who listen in
regularly.
Archbishops get
little training on dealing with the media. Officers of the NCCB, like
archbishops Bernardin, Kelly, May, Pilarczyk, Roach, and Quinn, learned how to
handle a national press conference. Most archbishops have at least a part-time
press person. Archbishops tend to get good local press coverage when they first
arrive in their archdioceses, but they are retired to the back pages after a few
weeks. Archbishops in heavily Catholic areas tend to get more coverage than
archbishops in non-Catholic areas.
No archbishop has
captured media attention as much as Cardinal O'Connor of New York. His
predecessor, Cardinal Cooke, was a hands-on administrator with an intimate
knowledge of the archdiocese, but he preferred to work in the background and not
in front of the media. Being less knowledgeable of the archdiocese, Cardinal
O'Connor has delegated more responsibility to his staff, but he has known how to
capture the attention of the New York newspapers and television stations and
turn them into his bully pulpits. The director of Catholic Charities for New
York remarked how this made a difference in his life:
Cardinal Cooke was
very good on advocacy, but he tended to low key his advocacy. Cardinal O'Connor
is very strong in that. He is very far up front in advocacy.
A few years ago, we
were pushing for a moratorium on the [apartment] conversions, which was another
way of getting rid of [poor] people and gentrifying. Cardinal Cooke was behind
us and he would meet with Mayor Beame, but he wouldn't go public on it. I would
be the one going public. Now the cardinal is the one going public on the
moratorium.
On the other hand,
the cardinal had to learn the hard way that not all news coverage is good.
Cardinal O'Connor explains:
The archbishop of New
York is foolishly expected to have an opinion on every subject in the world. No
matter what happens of significance, someone from the media is going to ask me
what do you think about it. I'm here now about two and three-fourths years, but
it's taken me most of the time to learn that I don't have an opinion about
everything.
I have to laugh as I
reflect on my earlier days. I would come up with some kind of opinion. I would
try to think it through and pray it through. I'd try to be honest about it and
say what I believe. That got me into considerable trouble--saying what I really
believe--because I think the media weren't accustomed to it. They assumed there
would be some dissembling. They assumed there would be a political dimension to
it.
When I would see the
way it would be distilled and re-presented, I thought, "Why did you have an
opinion about it in the first place? You really didn't have anything to say, and
you said what you didn't have to say, and now you have to pay the price."
Pastoral Archbishop
Many people use
pastoral to describe a style of being bishop, but it is not always clear
what they mean. "It is easier to describe what is the opposite of a pastoral
bishop," admits Archbishop Jadot, who is credited with appointing pastoral
bishops. "He is authoritarian, does not ask advice, does not relate well to
other people, a loner, does not like to meet other people, does not like to hear
confessions or preach." When priests use the term they often mean that the
bishop gets along well with his priests; he pastors them. The term also applies
to bishops who get out of the office and visit parishes. The pastoral
archbishops enjoy meeting people and celebrating the liturgy in parishes.
Every archbishop
considers himself pastoral. Most profess that the part of their job they enjoy
most is going to parishes, celebrating the Eucharist and confirmation, and
meeting the people. Their most frequent complaint is that they do not have more
time for this. Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile says,
The most satisfying
times to me are sacramentally oriented. I love confirmations, I love to be
around giving the sacrament of confirmation, and the aftermath, to be with
parents.
The opportunity for
archbishops to give individual attention to people is limited, especially in
large archdioceses. But they still feel it is important for the bishop to be
seen by his people even if it is impossible for him to be personally involved
with each person.
Cardinal Manning
explained his approach in Los Angeles:
A bishop cannot be a
great financial man exclusively or a great administrator or author or public
relations man. But I think his presence is very important, his presence among
his people, and that's what I have striven for myself mostly during my
administration--to be present to as many people as I can.
Last night I heard
confessions for an hour and a half in South Pasadena. I said Mass at a place we
have for bag ladies on Tuesday. On Sunday I had two Masses: one at St. Mark's in
Venice and one at St. Martin of Tours for different events. Saturday I had Mass
at St. Andrew's in Pasadena, and so on.
I am on the road
night and day. I will be at the men's jail Christmas Day and the women's jail on
New Years Day. I will be saying Mass at various rest homes during this coming
week, such as, the Sisters of the Poor in Nazareth House. I go to the detention
camp, so that they will know who their shepherd is.
Archbishop as Administrator
American archbishops
are primarily administrators, and this has been true for most of the history of
the American hierarchy. Early bishops were builders of churches, schools,
orphanages, hospitals, and other charitable institutions that served a rapidly
expanding immigrant church. They were often criticized for being administrators
rather than pastors. As early as 1878, George Conroy, Bishop of Ardagh, Ireland,
after making a visitation of the American church, reported to the Vatican:
In the selection of
bishops priority is given to financial, rather than pastoral, abilities....
Whenever there is a deliberation to choose a candidate for the episcopacy, the
bishops of a province feel constrained to seek, at all costs, a man skilled in
financial administration. Indeed, it has too often happened that the most valued
gifts in a candidate proposed to the Holy See were properly those of a banker,
not of a Pastor of Souls.\10
Conroy failed to
recognize that while the European church was living off ecclesiastical
infrastructures built up over centuries, the American church had to start from
scratch in a non-Catholic environment. In addition, some European bishops had
little to administer because the church lost much of its property, including
educational and charitable institutions, to the state in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. In other countries the church received financial
subsidies from the state so the bishops did not have to raise money. Today
American bishops are administrators of large operations built by their
predecessors for which they are financially responsible. In Europe, on the other
hand, "as a rule the bishop, in keeping with a concordat, has no specific
financial competence. Finances are usually attended to by boards of established
(state-recognized) churches. In these cases the financial administrator is the
accountant responsible for the budget which he has to justify before the state
church board."/11
This has led church
historian Msgr. John Tracy Ellis to remark,
I don't see any
marked change in the type of bishops being appointed since the beginning of the
American hierarchy. George Conroy's report is still accurate. The American
bishops, unlike their European counterparts, were the holders of vast
properties. It was common sense that they therefore had to be good
administrators.
When looking for an
archbishop, administrative skill is still high on the list of qualifications.
But archbishops do not learn administration by going to school. None of them has
an M.B.A., a master's degree in business administration. A couple had courses in
educational administration, but that would be the extent of their formal
training except for their courses in canon law.
Archbishops, for the
most part, learn administration by doing it. Most archbishops (63 percent) get
experience in governance by being the bishop of a smaller diocese before being
transferred to an archdiocese. Working closely with another bishop as an
auxiliary also is helpful. Prior to being made a bishop, almost half the
archbishops (Bernardin, Bevilacqua, Donnellan, Hannan, Hickey, Krol, Law,
Lipscomb, Mahony, McCarthy, Power, Quinn, Sanchez, Sheehan, Strecker, Szoka)
also served as vicars general, chancellors, or secretaries to bishops. Some
(Borders, Donnellan, Hickey, Hunthausen, Pilarczyk, Quinn, Roach, Whealon)
gained administrative experience as seminary administrators. Archbishops Mahony
and Stafford were directors of Catholic Charities. Archbishop Pilarczyk was
vicar for education.
Some archbishops have
had administrative experience outside of chanceries or seminaries. Archbishops
Hunthausen and Kucera were presidents of Catholic colleges. Cardinal Bernardin
and Archbishop Kelly were general secretaries of the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops. Archbishop May was president of the Catholic Extension
Society. Cardinal O'Connor was Chief of Navy Chaplains. Archbishop O'Meara was
director of the national office of the Society for the Propagation of the Faith.
Archbishop Weakland was abbot primate of the Benedictines. Archbishop Marino was
vicar general of the Josephites.
Many archbishops
enjoy the day-to-day work of administration and the challenge of problem solving
and decision making, but few like to admit it. "I like to govern. I like the
process of governing," confesses Archbishop Roach of St. Paul. "I like to be
able to work with people and to come to a judgment about the appropriateness of
an action. I like that very much."
Although most
archbishops enjoy administration, others profess to actually hate it. They would
prefer to spend all of their time on pastoral work. It is difficult to know how
seriously to take these complaints about the burdens of administration. Their
statements may reflect current theology of ministry, which is biased against
administration and portrays the priest as a pastor and teacher. Or their
comments may reflect the general clerical antipathy for bureaucracy and
administration. Cardinal Bernardin and archbishops Flores, Lipscomb, Sanchez,
and Quinn, for example, profess a dislike for administration.
Archbishop Lipscomb
acknowledges,
The times that are
most frustrating are the times which you least sense as being connected with
priesthood or the sacrament of orders, for me anyway--desk work, administration,
finance. I hate finance, who doesn't?
Because
administration is such an important part of an archbishop's ministry, the simple
distinction between pastoral and administrative bishops is not sufficient. It is
important to examine the various styles or models of administration used by
archbishops.
Innovator vs. Maintainer Models
Some archbishops have
very specific ideas for innovative programs for the archdiocese. Cardinal
O'Connor of New York and Archbishop Hannan of New Orleans, for example, are
constantly pushing their ideas for new programs on their staffs. Sometimes they
publicly announce new initiatives that are complete surprises to their staffs.
Archbishops tend to be innovative at the beginning of their terms. Archbishop
Mahony, for example, initiated numerous programs and reorganizations his first
year. Normally, these initiatives will be focused on areas of interest to the
archbishop. For example, although Archbishop Hannan is full of initiatives for
social services, he pretty much leaves his pastors alone.
Other archbishops,
especially those who have been in office for a while, are primarily concerned
with maintaining the existing programs on a sound and peaceful basis. Thus,
Archbishop Strecker had many initiatives when he first came to Kansas City, KS,
but now he works at continuing these programs. Other archbishops, like Manning,
Whealon and Donnellan, came to office during the late 1960's when there was much
turbulence in the church. In response to a query about his major
accomplishments, Archbishop Donnellan of Atlanta responded "Keeping peace, with
all of my flock and all of my neighbors." Simply to survive that period was a
great achievement. If initiatives were to come, they would come from others.
Tolerant or Supportive Styles
Many archbishops
(Bernardin, Borders, Donnellan, Flores, Gerety, Hunthausen, Hurley, Kelly, May,
McCarthy, O'Meara, Pilarczyk, Power, Roach, Salatka, Sheehan, Strecker and
Whealon) are praised by their staffs not so much for their ideas and initiatives
as for their allowing others to take initiative and even make mistakes. In their
lifetimes, the archbishops have seen bishops oppose changes that later became
accepted practices in the church. They remember how divisive it was when bishops
attempted to suppress individual charisms. As a result, they are likely to
permit initiatives, even those they might not agree with. These laissez-faire
archbishops believe that if the initiative is good, it will succeed and help the
church. If the initiative is bad, it will fail on its own without their
intervention. This "permissiveness" is often misunderstood in Rome and by
American Catholic conservatives.
Some archbishops not
only permit initiatives, but actively support people with initiative. Sometimes
the archbishop has a general sense of where he wants the archdiocese to go but
is unclear about the programmatic specifics. If his ideas are to be realized, he
must find creative people to flesh them out. These people must be supported by
the archbishop.
For example, although
very proud of Renew, a program of spiritual renewal used in many dioceses,
Archbishop Gerety of Newark refuses to take any credit for it. "We got a couple
of bright fellows here, that's how it started. It certainly wasn't my fault."
One of those "bright
fellows," Rev. Thomas Kleissler, recalls Archbishop Gerety's role more clearly:
He wanted me to work
developing parish councils. I had done it for years as a volunteer. So I said to
the bishop, "It is not going to work unless you have several years of basic
spiritual formation right across the diocese." He said, "OK, do that." I told
you he is smart, so he pulled the trap door.
Thus began Renew.
Archbishop Gerety also found and supported creative people to deal with his
financial problems and to run social services. Finding such people and
empowering them is one of the most important things an archbishop does.
Archbishop Weakland
Milwaukee explains how he does it:
I guess the secret is
somehow sensing what needs are there, and beginning to bring people together to
look at them. And somebody seems to surface who has the leadership quality that
you need to move it. That happens over and over again.
Hands-On Administrator or Monarch
Prior to the Second
Vatican Council, practically every archdiocesan office or agency (and sometimes
the people within them) reported directly to the archbishop. As an episcopal
monarch in a stable environment with few diocesan agencies, an archbishop could
make practically all important decisions. He could be more or less informed
about everything that was going on in the archdiocese.
The of diocesan
programs after Vatican II made this style more difficult./12 The monarchal
approach can also get bogged down in many unimportant details. For example, in
1977 during his first week in San Francisco, a chancery official brought
Archbishop Quinn the pink slip for an automobile purchased by the archdiocese.
His predecessor had always signed the slips. Archbishop Quinn said, "I am here
and I have a pen, so I will sign it. But don't ever bring me one of these
again."
In some archdioceses,
this monarchal model continued after Vatican II. In a small archdiocese, the
archbishop can be involved in supervising agencies because they are small and
demands on his time are less. Some archbishops even tried to be monarchs in
large archdioceses. Cardinal Cody, for example, signed all the checks for the
archdiocese of Chicago.
In large
archdioceses, trying to be a monarch eventually causes serious problems. As
archdiocesan structures multiplied and became more complex, it became impossible
for an archbishop to supervise all archdiocesan agencies. "Theoretically a year
ago, sixty-seven different offices and agency heads were on a direct line of
accountability with the archbishop," explained the moderator of the curia in St.
Paul. "The truth of the matter is that nobody was."
Large archdioceses
prove to be beyond the ability of any one person to govern directly. What
frequently happened was that many agencies operated with little or no
supervision. The agencies that received the attention of the archbishop were
those with financial problems, with personnel problems, or with programs that
the archbishop was personally interested in.
Delegator
In a small
archdiocese, if an archbishop likes administration, he can be very much involved
in the day-to-day work of the chancery by directly supervising agency heads. He
can also get involved in the supervision of the parishes. And in an archdiocese
like Anchorage or Mobile, with few Catholics and a small archdiocesan structure,
the archbishop's administrative responsibilities do not get in the way of his
pastoral inclinations.
In large
archdioceses, with large agencies and bureaucracies, there is the need to
delegate or the archdiocesan apparatus will grind to a halt. Also, if an
archbishop does not like administration or has heavy commitments outside the
archdiocese, he must delegate his administrative work load or he will become
very frustrated, as was Boston Cardinal Medeiros who hated making decisions. The
style and preference of the archbishop will determine how much authority and
responsibility he delegates to other officials in the archdiocese. All
archbishops claim that they delegate, but some delegate more than others.
Archbishop Donnellan
of Atlanta said, "If you are going to be an administrator in an archdiocese, it
is necessary that you delegate a good deal, that you trust the people who work
with you and that you are not hesitant in correcting mistakes." Donnellan was
willing to let his subordinates make decisions in their areas:
You try to get
competent people, you look for reports on what is going on, you occasionally
check. But by and large, the idea is to make sure you have competent people and
let them make their decisions and let them do their own administration.
For Donnellan and
many archbishops, being kept informed is the key to the process:
I'm not enthusiastic
about surprises. I like to be kept informed, but I generally leave them to do
things in their field. I like to be informed, but I don't need to be consulted.
They are free to make their decisions, but I like to know what is going on.
Some archbishops, on
the other hand, talk of their subordinates making decisions, but it often
appears that their "decisions" are whether or not to recommend something to the
archbishop. Thus Cardinal Krol of Philadelphia explains his administrative
philosophy:
I expressed my
philosophy of administration in these terms [pointing to a plaque]: "I would
rather you do it yourself." That is the responsibility of leadership, to train
people to make responsible decisions.
When I first came
here, I got a lot of this, "whatever you want." "It isn't what I want. You are
in charge of that department, tell me what is needed. I may have to say no
thirteen times, but the fourteenth time I might be in the position to say sure.
But you tell me."
That's the only way
you can train responsible leadership for the church is by giving them
responsibility. And I tell them, "You have to make the decisions and if you are
wrong, I'll rap your knuckles, that's all, I'll fire you. Is that acceptable?"
"Yeah, sure." And they do.
Differences in
administrative style are most easily seen when there is a change in archbishops.
Cardinal Cooke, for example, was very much involved in detailed decision making
in New York, while Cardinal O'Connor has been much more of a delegator. Cardinal
Cooke was able to immerse himself in detail because he had spent practically all
his ministry in administration in the New York archdiocese. Cardinal O'Connor,
on the other hand, knew little about the archdiocese before he arrived.
Archbishops who like
to get involved in administrative detail, according to their staffs, include
cardinals Cooke, Krol, and Hickey and archbishops Kucera, Salatka, and Whealon.
Normally this style is only possible in small archdioceses. And sometimes it is
necessary because skilled administrators are simply not available for the
archbishop to delegate to. Archbishops who delegate, according to their staffs,
include Bernardin, Borders, Donnellan, Flores, Gerety, Hannan, Hurley, Kucera,
Lipscomb, May, McCarthy, O'Connor, O'Meara, Pilarczyk, Quinn, Roach, Szoka, and
Weakland. But even these archbishops involve themselves in details of matters
they are interested in. Most archbishops pay attention to problem areas and
delegate areas that are stable and noncontroversial.
Structures
An archbishop needs
governance structures that fit his personal style and the needs of his
archdiocese. An archbishop who wants to be involved in administrative detail
will need a different structure from one who prefers to delegate. In a small
diocese, an archbishop can have frequent personal contact with every agency
administrator and pastor. In a large archdiocese, this will be impossible.
Structure is the
internal differentiation and patterning of relationships in an organization./13
Structure is an attempt to achieve bounded rationality, which is especially
important when facing uncertainty and complexity. "By delimiting
responsibilities, control over resources, and other matters, organizations
provide their participating members with boundaries within which efficiency may
be a realistic expectation."/14 Structure also facilitates coordinated action by
the interdependent elements of an organization.
The structure of an
archdiocese is influenced by its mission, its ministries, and its environment as
well as the desires of its leadership. Many large and medium-sized dioceses have
undergone reorganization recently. Reorganization has been necessary because of
expansion of the archdiocesan agencies with new ministries responding to new
demands since Vatican II. The archbishops want to lessen their administrative
load while at the same time improving supervision, coordination, and
accountability. Diocesan reorganization has also responded to desires for better
lines of communication for both vertical and horizontal communication./15
Regional Vicariate Model
As an administrator,
the archbishop is responsible for supervising both archdiocesan parishes and
agencies. If the archbishop does not like administration or does not have the
time for it, he must delegate some of his administrative responsibilities. In
large archdioceses, delegating responsibilities is imperative. The larger the
number of parishes, for example, the more difficult it is for him to supervise
and coordinate them. In populous archdioceses the trend has been to establish
regional vicariates under auxiliary bishops. Priests can also be episcopal
vicars, but bishops carry more weight. Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Detroit,
Dubuque, Los Angeles, Newark, St. Paul, and Washington have regional vicariates
under auxiliary bishops. The vicariates are further divided into deaneries.
Smaller archdioceses with less than two auxiliaries are more likely to simply
have deaneries under the archbishop.
What kind of
authority and responsibility these vicars and deans have is up to the
archbishop. For the most part, they represent the archbishop in the parishes. At
a minimum, they are the archbishop's eyes and ears, even if they cannot always
solve problems by speaking with the authority of his voice. Priests or
parishioners with complaints can see them. They can act as ombudsmen with the
archbishop and the chancery. They can also be sent by the archbishop to
investigate complaints or problems. Often they convene meetings of pastors and
others in order to facilitate cooperation and coordination among parishes in
their area. More will be said about parishes in the next chapter.
Department or Secretariat Model
Besides parishes, the
archbishop must supervise and coordinate archdiocesan agencies. The larger, the
more numerous, and the more complex the agencies, the more difficult this
becomes. The growth in the number and complexity of these agencies in large
archdioceses has forced archbishops to group them in departments supervised and
coordinated by department heads who report to the archbishop. Thus, when Joseph
Bernardin became archbishop of Chicago, he reorganized the archdiocese and
placed archdiocesan agencies under six directors or secretaries (they can be
vicars if they are priests) for administrative services, community services,
educational services, financial services, pastoral services, and personnel
services. This provided the model for reorganizations in Boston and St. Paul,
although they combined financial and administrative services into one
department.
The earliest
secretariat system was established by Cardinal Francis Spellman in New York.
Spellman needed such a structure because of the size of the archdiocese and his
many interests outside the archdiocese. After Vatican II, secretariats were also
established in Baltimore, Detroit,/16 Newark, and Washington.
Under this
secretariat model of governance, usually four to seven administrators oversee
different parts of the archdiocesan bureaucracy and report to the archbishop (or
to the vicar general). The three most common departments are for finances
(sometimes called administrative or central services), education, and social
services. Some archdioceses also have departments for pastoral services or
ministries (liturgy, marriage preparation programs, parishes, chaplains, Renew,
lay organizations), personnel (lay ministry, clergy personnel, vocations,
seminary) and/or ethnic affairs. But the existence of finance and personnel
offices does not necessarily mean that all financial and personnel matters go
through these offices. In large archdioceses, sometimes large agencies, like the
schools office or Catholic Charities, have their own finance and personnel
staff./17
Some agencies are
difficult to place in a department. Many programs have pastoral, educational and
financial components. RCIA (Rite of Christian Initiation of Adults), Renew, the
diocesan newspaper, and youth ministry are pastoral and educational. Should
youth ministry go in education or pastoral affairs or, if it is aimed at poor
teenagers, in social services? Some programs, like family ministry, pro-life,
have both pastoral and social dimensions. It is especially the
constituency-oriented offices (youth, family, blacks, Hispanics) that are hard
to place and yet are most in need of coordination with other diocesan
agencies./18 Thompson argues that organizations group positions to minimize
coordination costs./19 Units with the greatest interdependence are placed in the
same department. Placing units together in a central building is another means
of fostering coordination, but it can also distance agencies from their clients.
Sometimes there is a
"tupperware" department for leftover agencies (public relations, newspaper,
cemeteries, tribunal) that do not fit neatly under other departments. Often an
agency is placed in a department for political reasons (who works well with
whom) rather than out of any logical order. One archdiocesan liturgy office, for
example, is under the chancellor because the priest director would not work with
the woman who heads the department of ministries.
All matters dealing
with their agencies are first dealt with by the department heads. They are
responsible for supervising and coordinating the agencies and settling conflicts
within the department. They also attempt to coordinate their work with other
department heads and to settle conflicts through negotiations and compromise.
This process becomes cumbersome when departments only communicate through their
directors. More successful is coordination through informal interdepartmental
communications or lower-level task forces consisting of persons from a number of
agencies from different departments that are concerned with the same issue. What
they cannot settle goes to department heads who must resolve the dispute or take
it to the archbishop. The department heads are also responsible for implementing
his decisions in their agencies.
The secretariat or
departmental structure makes a large archdiocesan organization more manageable.
For example, when Cardinal Law became archbishop of Boston, he found fifty-four
agencies reporting directly to him. This was too many for him to supervise and
coordinate effectively. After the reorganization, there were only seven: social
services, pastoral services, education, community relations, health care
services, ministerial personnel, and central services.
Archbishop Weakland
of Milwaukee explains the advantages and disadvantages in this kind of system:
The idea is to give
me a chance to be freed up a bit. I know I couldn't cover all the bases without
that [departmental] structure. The fear is that a structure like that gets too
bureaucratic, too impersonal, and too large. My job in all of that is to provide
direction, vision, and priorities.
Some archbishops have
been reluctant to adopt the secretariat model because they are concerned about
how the chancery bureaucracy is perceived by the priests. Archbishops fear that
the priests will see the secretaries as simply another layer of bureaucracy.
Pastors often complain that the secretariat system creates a clique of highly
paid bureaucrats who get between them and the archbishop. In addition,
archbishops in smaller archdioceses do not feel so great a need for this kind of
structure. And in small and medium-sized archdioceses, a secretary often is also
a pastor or director of an archdiocesan agency. As a pastor, he often provides
more liaison and credibility with the priests than actual supervision of the
department.
Cardinal James
Hickey, who set up a secretariat first in Cleveland and then in Washington, is
pleased with the way it works. But he notes some of the systemic difficulties.
I have to be sure of
three things: first, that letters get answered; second, that problems don't get
lost in intersecretarial, sempiternal committee work that never gets called up.
Things can get lost going back and forth or sitting on somebody's desk. There's
only one name on the letter and that's mine. If something doesn't happen, if the
pastor doesn't get an answer, he doesn't blame the secretary for this or for
that. "Old Hickey, down there, he isn't doin' anything, he doesn't care about
us."
The third problem
that I find with this secretarial system is a subtle tendency to let Daddy do
it, to sort of pass it up without recommendation, or to pass it up without prior
consultation.
I can get a
recommendation from one secretary, and I'd say, "Well, did you talk to
so-and-so?" Well, then I end up referring it, and that makes work for me instead
of doing work for me. To use the famous Bishop [Albert] Ottenweller [of
Steubenville, OH] funnel metaphor, I can have eight funnels coming down over my
head: black concerns, Hispanic concerns, education, social concerns, parish
life, support services, secretary for the clergy, secretary for religious
women--and they all come down on top of me.
At our staff meeting
this year, organizationally, that was the point I brought out most clearly. I
said, "I don't want to make this sound crass, but basically you're helping me do
my work. If instead of your helping me do my work, you are eight people creating
more work for me, then the whole thing's in reverse." There's a tendency to do
that, to sort of dump things on my desk. And I don't like things dumped on my
desk. It should go to a pertinent person.
Vicar General/Moderator of Curia Model
But after delegating
supervisory authority to geographical vicars and to secretaries, the archbishop
"must see to it that all matters which concern the administration of the entire
diocese are duly coordinated and arranged...."/20 This coordination and
direction can be done either by the archbishop or by the vicar general acting as
his alter ego. The archbishop can also appoint a moderator of the curia, who is
usually also a vicar general, "to coordinate the exercise of administrative
responsibilities and to see to it that the other members of the curia duly
fulfill the office entrusted to them."/21 In the past, this role was sometimes
performed by the chancellor or the bishop's secretary, as Cardinal Hickey
explains when he was a priest.
My job as the
bishop's secretary [in Saginaw, MI] was to coordinate all these things and to
get people to talk to one another, and to come to the boss [Bishop Stephen
Woznicki] with a reasonable consensus or at least a couple of options, with
recommendations, so that he could make a decision knowing the facts. Maybe it
wasn't always the right decision, but he knew the facts, and he wasn't
blindsided by someone coming in that he hadn't heard of.
The power of these
officials varies tremendously from archdiocese to archdiocese. A vicar general
"possesses that executive power in the entire diocese which belongs to the
diocesan bishop in law, that is, he possesses the power to place all
administrative acts with the exception of those the bishop has reserved to
himself or which in law require the special mandate of the bishop."/22 A
powerful vicar general could make many decisions and free the archbishop by
taking on most of his administrative responsibilities. But if the archbishop
"reserves" to himself most of the power, the vicar general can be a figurehead.
If the vicar general
is powerful, other officials in the chancery report to him, he might chair
cabinet meetings, and if something must go to the archbishop, it goes through
him. The vicar general is the one who coordinates and supervises the department
heads or secretaries. The vicars general play important roles in many of the
large archdioceses like Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles (under Cardinal
Manning), Newark (under Archbishop Gerety), New York (when Bishop O'Keefe was
vicar general), Philadelphia (in Cardinal Krol's last years), San Francisco, and
Seattle.
The motivation for
having a powerful vicar general can be that the archbishop wants more time for
long-range planning, for pastoral work or for work outside the archdiocese. Or
it can simply be that the archbishop prefers being brought solutions, not
problems. He may dislike conflict and confusion and want matters clarified
before they reach him. A strong vicar general can also serve a sick or elderly
archbishop.
If an archbishop
wants to spend most of his time in pastoral work, he will need someone who takes
care of the day-to-day administration. Both Cardinal Manning and Archbishop
Quinn found it necessary to have powerful vicars general who would take care of
most of their administrative duties. Cardinal Manning's vicar general (Msgr.
Hawkes) was technically only for finance, but since most things cost money, he
exercised sweeping powers in Los Angeles. Archbishop Quinn went through two
reorganizations of his San Francisco chancery until he found the structure and a
vicar general that suited his needs. In such a system, the vicar general acts as
the chief operating officer and supervises and coordinates the archdiocesan
agencies under the general policies set by the archbishop.
Chief Executive Model
Most archbishops'
administrative styles are more like Jimmy Carter's than Ronald Reagan's./23 Most
archbishops feel at home in administrative work and find it difficult to give
up. In these cases the vicar general or moderator of the curia plays a less
prominent role than in the case of an archbishop who does not like
administration. For example, the quotations above indicate that Cardinal Hickey
as a priest exercised a coordinating role for his bishop, but no one does that
for the cardinal today.
At the time of my
visit to St. Paul, the chancery had been recently reorganized and was still
developing. The vicar general and moderator of the curia explained:
In fact, Archbishop
Roach is still the chief operating officer. It is a question whether he will
give up that. He is so much an administrator. It is in his bones, and he is so
damn good at it.
What I have done is
take a whole lot of sweat off his back, because I do meet regularly with each of
the divisional directors and do monitor the smooth coordination. And I settle
fights, I am starting to ameliorate wars between divisions.
But Roach is still
the chief operating officer. He runs those cabinet meetings; I am not running
those meetings. It is really clear. Theoretically, he did say a year ago that
eventually he wanted to be able to be out of this office two or three days a
week and concentrate more on the parish side, the pastoral side. I will wait and
see.
Some archbishops have
simply refused to have a moderator of the curia. As Archbishop Weakland of
Milwaukee explains, "I don't have a moderator of the curia. I just don't want
anybody between myself and.... How many layers of administration can you have?
It just seems unnecessary to me. But I do have a kind of cabinet."
Individual vs. Cabinet Style
Once he has a staff
in place, the archbishop has to figure out how to coordinate and direct it. A
number of archbishops (Bernardin, Borders, Hickey, Hunthausen, Hurley, Law,
McCarthy, O'Connor, Pilarczyk, Roach, Sheehan, and Stafford) meet weekly or
monthly with their staffs. Usually these meetings are with their cabinet,
consisting of the department heads (education, social services, finance,
pastoral, etc.), the vicar general, chancellor, moderator of the curia, and
archbishop's secretary. Sometimes included are the head of the tribunal and
directors from offices of planning, minority affairs, and public relations.
Frequently an official wears more than one hat. Archbishops who use cabinet
meetings are frequently seen as collegial by their staffs. Archbishop Roach, for
example, has a regularly scheduled cabinet meeting each week and a monthly
meeting with the heads of all the archdiocesan agencies. Cardinal O'Connor has
weekly meetings with about thirty members of his staff.
Harry Fagan,
associate director of the National Pastoral Life Center, explains that many
people, especially priests, find long weekly staff meetings an abomination.
People on the outside
of a chancery have a tendency to put down bureaucracy. God knows, it is still
the palace guard. But, if you're running the archdiocese of Washington, roughly
a $125 million-a-year corporation, it is impossible to run a corporation with
that kind of payroll without all kinds of meetings and all kinds of paper and
all kinds of reports.
I don't think we like
to see our church reduced to a business, frankly, and it just drives us crazy
when we hear an archbishop having a weekly meeting of his secretariats that
lasts all morning. But I think we should compare it to a small business of a
couple of hundred million dollars.
With the
proliferation of ministries and agencies and offices these days, they almost
have to do that. You don't know what the hell everybody is doing unless you
meet. Most of these guys have gone from a system of sixty to seventy people
reporting to them directly to having created some kind of middle management.
That middle management only works if you meet with them and say, "Yea, do that,"
or "Don't do that," or something like that.
But many archbishops
prefer meeting individually or in very small groups with those involved in a
particular issue. This is the style, for example, of archbishops Donnellan,
Hannan, Kelly, Krol, Kucera, Lipscomb, Mahony, May, O'Meara, Quinn, Strecker,
Szoka, and Whealon, who do not have regular cabinet or staff meetings. These
archbishops believe that larger groups slow down decision making and involve
people who do not necessarily have any expertise in the issue being discussed.
Others, like the late Archbishop Casey of Denver, simply do not work well in
groups./24
The pre-Vatican II
church did not have not much need for cabinet meetings or other types of
committee meetings. Most decisions did not require the pooling of knowledge or
expertise, so they could be made in a hierarchical structure. Coordination did
not need to be fostered, it could be commanded. But today, what happens in one
archdiocesan agency can have an effect on another. Coordination is needed on
scheduling of events, drawing up budgets, planning joint projects, and
developing common policies and procedures. A program like Renew, or a program
aimed at helping families, needs the cooperation of all archdiocesan agencies
(schools, parishes, liturgy office, social services, newspaper, etc.) if it is
to be successful.
Archbishops, like
most priests, have no training in committee work. And only in recent times have
they had experience in operating through committees. Most do not like committee
meetings, others hate them. "If I seem to have an animus against meetings, I
do," comments Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile. "There is one good thing about
being a bishop. You can't control all of them, but there are lots of times when
you can say, `No, we do not need to meet.'"
Even archbishops who
take their cabinets seriously, like Archbishop Roach in St. Paul, appear to have
meetings more out of conviction that it is the right way to operate than through
a personal preference. Often the meetings are more important as a means of
communication than of decision making. And frequently the archbishop learns
nothing new at a meeting, but the meeting enables the members of the chancery to
find out what everyone else is doing. Meetings also contribute to chancery
morale by providing face-to-face encounters with the archbishop.
Consultative Bodies
Archbishops also use
their cabinets as a consultative body on issues not necessarily related to the
work of the departments./25 In a large archdiocese, he would also meet with his
auxiliaries or regional vicars. Baltimore invented the acronym COVAS (Committee
of Vicars and Secretaries) for a joint meeting of the cabinet and regional
vicars.
Archbishops feel more
comfortable consulting with these groups than with other consultative bodies.
They are smaller groups, which makes consultation easier and more confidential.
These officials are his appointees, they are knowledgeable in their areas, and
they have a greater than average knowledge of the whole archdiocese. In
addition, they are available on a regular basis, often working in the same
office building. Archbishops who meet monthly with their staffs include
archbishops Borders, Flores, McCarthy, O'Connor, Sheehan and Sanchez. Those
meeting more frequently are Archbishops Hickey, Hunthausen, Hurley, Law,
Pilarczyk, Roach and Stafford
Consultation with
groups outside the chancery has become an important part of church governance in
the United States. Some archbishops are very good at it and use it as a means of
forging a consensus on an issue. Cardinal Bernardin's style is very
consultative. A few archbishops seem to enjoy the consultative process.
Archbishop Weakland reports,
What takes up much of
my time in administration are the meetings with the archdiocesan pastoral
council and the priests' council. I meet with both executive boards as they
prepare the meetings, and I meet with both councils when they have their full
meetings. I enjoy those two groups. They're different in character, they have
different interests, different approaches. But I think it's important to hear
both. And I enjoy going to those meetings.
Since the Second
Vatican Council there has been a remarkable growth in consultative bodies in the
Catholic church. Canon lawyers stress that these bodies are consultative and not
deliberative--they advise the decision maker, they do not make decisions unless
he specifically delegates this power to them. On the other hand, one study found
that "by law they behave like advisory groups, by inclination like interest
groups."/26
Diocesan consultative
bodies required by canon law are the priests' council, the college of
consultors, and the finance council. In addition, most American dioceses would
also have a diocesan pastoral council, a board of education and a priests'
personnel board. Many bishops also have cabinets. The board of education, the
personnel board, and the finance council will be described in later chapters.
Here we will examine the role of the consultors, priests' council, and the
archdiocesan pastoral council.
The College of Consultors
The college of
consultors is the only diocesan consultative group that predates the Second
Vatican Council. The college is made up of six to twelve priests appointed for
five-year terms by the bishop./27 The new code of canon law requires that the
consultors be members of the priests' council. But the bishop can choose his
consultors from the elected, appointed, or ex officio membership of the council.
When the 1983 code
went into effect, a number of archbishops simply appointed their existing
consultors to the priests' council. Others, in an attempt to integrate the two
consultative bodies more closely, made the elected executive committee of the
priests' council their college of consultors. This made the consultors a more
representative body, and it also cut down on the number of groups the archbishop
had to consult by merging two consultative groups.
The role of
consultors today is confused because of the creation of new consultative groups.
Their unique role today is the selection of a diocesan administrator who runs
the diocese during the interregnum between the death of an archbishop and his
successor./28 In the past, some bishops used the consultors as an informal
priests' personnel board as is still done in the archdiocese of Kansas City.
According to canon law, the college must be consulted on certain financial
matters and acts of extraordinary administration (see chapter 5), but the bishop
must also consult the newly mandated finance council on the same matters./29
The college of
consultors is an old institution in search of a new purpose. Some archbishops
consult them on confidential matters that they do not want to bring to the full
presbyteral council. But even here, an archbishop has other sources of
confidential advice: his auxiliaries (if he has any), the finance council, the
personnel board, the executive committee of the priests' council, and his
cabinet. In a number of archdioceses, the college rarely meets and for all
practical purposes has become nonfunctional. One study found that bishops have
chosen not to use the title "diocesan consultors" in 15 percent of the dioceses
and have not convened the consultors in at least an additional 25 percent./30
Presbyteral Council
The Second Vatican
Council told bishops they should listen to their priests, "consult them and have
discussions with them about those matters which concern the necessities of
pastoral work and the welfare of the diocese. In order to put these ideals into
effect, a group or senate of priests representing the presbytery should be
established."/31 These priests would be "collaborators of the bishop in the
government of the diocese."/32 Such consultation and collaboration was seen not
only as a source of good advice but also as a response to a feeling of
powerlessness among the clergy that had led to morale problems and protests./33
In the United States,
prior to Vatican II, no such bodies existed, but in March 1965, before the
Council ended, a priests' senate was organized in the diocese of Worcester. "By
the end of 1966 some 45 senates were functioning, and a year later 135."/34 The
creation of these senates was overwhelmingly supported by the priests./35 A few
were organized and met without the bishop's approval. Most were recognized and
more or less encouraged by the local bishop, but he could ignore it if he
wished.
Vatican II provided
no details on how these senates were to be organized. Each diocese drew up its
own set of statues, which were approved by its bishop. The 1983 code of canon
law established rules governing their membership and authority and changed their
name to presbyteral councils. The archbishops almost always attend the meetings
of the priests' council, whereas they did not always attend meetings of priests'
senates.
All the members of
the old priests' senates were usually elected, but the new code says "about
half" of the presbyteral council is to be elected./36 The rest can be ex officio
members designated by the council's statues or members appointed by the
archbishop. Most archbishops have interpreted "about half" to allow the vast
majority of the membership to be elected. The elections are usually by
geographic districts (e.g., deaneries), by ordination class among the priests,
or by a combination of the two.
There is some
ambivalence about the representative character of these elected council members.
They are encouraged to meet with their constituents to get their input and to
communicate the results of council meetings. Sometimes during council
discussions the archbishop will ask whether their views reflect those of the
priests in the region. On the other hand, members are also told to look beyond
their constituencies to the good of the entire archdiocese.
In some cases, where
the elections are by deaneries, archbishops have made the elected members deans
to give them added status and power. As such, they become not only channels of
communication between the council and the priests, but also between the bishop
and the priests. They also can be leaders and coordinators in their deanery on
local issues. Some priests object that this overburdens the representative with
too many jobs. Theoretically, conflicts could also arise between a priest's
administrative responsibilities as a dean and his responsibilities as a
councilman. On the other hand, merging the positions gives more status to both
and eliminates duplication.
Normally, auxiliary
bishops, the vicar general, and the chancellor are ex officio or appointed
members of the council. Some bishops have appointed the priest members of their
cabinet to the council where they can provide information and be forced to
listen to the views of others. Other bishops have their cabinet attend the
council meetings as resource persons, not as members, which more clearly
separates the legislative and executive functions of governance. On the death of
the bishop, the council ceases to exist until it is reestablished by the new
bishop.
The presbyteral
council has only a consultative voice, but the archbishop "is to listen to it in
matters of greater moment."/37 These matters would include, according to the
Directory on the Pastoral Ministry of Bishops,
the holiness of life,
sacred science, and other needs of the priests, or the sanctification and
religious instruction of the faithful, or the government of the diocese in
general... It is the task of this council, among other things, to seek out clear
and distinctly defined aims of the manifold ministries in the diocese, to
propose matters that are more urgent, to indicate methods of acting, to assist
whatever the Spirit frequently stirs up through individuals or groups, to foster
the spiritual life, in order to attain the necessary unity more easily. They
ought, finally, to deal with equal distribution of funds for the support of
clerics, and also with the erection, suppression and restoration of parishes./38
The bishop must
consult the presbyteral council on several issues:
the
advisability of a synod (c. 461 §1); the modification of parishes (cc. 515 §2;
813); offerings of the faithful on the occasion of parish services (c. 531);
norms for parish councils (c. 536); the construction of a church or the
conversion of a church to secular use (cc. 1215 §2, 1222 §2); and the imposition
of a diocesan tax (c. 1263)./39
The old priests'
senates elected their own officers, usually a president and vice president, and
set their own agenda. According to canon law, the bishop is the president of the
presbyteral council and determines its agenda./40 Most archbishops allow an
elected chairman to run the meetings, which might occur eight to ten times a
year. The agenda of the meetings is usually drawn up and discussed at a meeting
of the archbishop with the executive committee or the officers of the council.
Few archbishops will veto agenda items, although they will discourage bringing
up controversial items over which they have no control, e.g., priestly celibacy
or the cases of Charles Curran and Archbishop Hunthausen.
When they first came
into existence, priests' senates and councils concentrated on priestly concerns:
priests' morale, salaries, stipends, health insurance, automobile expenses,
automobile insurance, pensions, retirement, retreats, the process for appointing
pastors (personnel boards, tenure, etc.), continuing education, due process for
disputes with the bishop, rectory living conditions, and the relations between
pastors and associates. Most councils have a committee on priestly ministry that
studies and makes recommendations on such issues.
Many of these issues
made the councils look like labor unions negotiating with management over pay
and working conditions. In fact, what the priests were seeking was not
significantly more money but a more professional relationship in what had been a
very paternalistic system. For example, in the past the bishop or a diocesan
hospital would normally take care of a priest who was seriously ill, but there
were always horror stories about priests stuck with huge medical bills.
Likewise, there was a desire for greater equality between priests in rich and
poor parishes, and between pastors and associates.
Once these issues
were dealt with, many councils moved on to social justice issues. Numerous
resolutions were passed on abortion, racism, housing, welfare reform, nuclear
weapons, Vietnam, Central America, South Africa, boycotts, etc., most of which
would be defined as politically "liberal" and were in keeping with (or to the
left of) the positions taken by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops.
Some of these resolutions had specific relevancy to local conditions; others
were in response to national or international events. For the most part, these
resolutions were not very controversial in the council because they did not
demand anything more than a letter to a public official from the bishop or the
priests' council. Priests might be encouraged to preach on peace or justice on a
particular Sunday, but such recommendations were always optional.
In some dioceses, the
priests' senate or council was an important initiator of pastoral programs
following the Vatican Council, especially if the bishop was a benign nonleader.
In these cases, the natural leaders from the clergy could take charge with the
bishop's acquiescence. This is a time-consuming process that may burn out these
leaders who have other full-time jobs.
Bishops have also
asked their councils' advice on the establishment of parish council guidelines,
the implementation of RCIA, whether or not to do Renew or some other parish
renewal program, and the implementation of liturgical reforms. Archdiocesan
mission statements have also been prepared or critiqued by presbyteral councils,
as have proposals for reorganizing the archdiocesan administrative structures.
Some councils have also been involved in planning for the day when there are
fewer priests.
With the switch from
a priests' senate to a canonical presbyteral council, some priests feared that
they would lose control because of the bishop's ability to appoint members and
control the agenda. Some argue that it is no longer a priests' council but the
bishop's council. In some cases, it is said, the bishop controls the agenda to
repress controversial topics and maintain control. But other archdiocesan
observers believe that the councils are working better than the senates because
as canonical bodies the archbishops and priests take them more seriously. A 1974
study found that 29 percent of the council officers felt that it was a great
problem that the bishop had given no real decision-making power to the council,
but an even larger percent (52 percent) felt that getting grass-roots input was
a great problem./41 In many archdioceses, turnouts for council elections have
exceeded previous turnouts for senate elections. This perceived improvement may
be due to the experience archbishops and priests gained while working in senates
rather than due to any change in structures.
Pastoral Council
Most archbishops have
also formed archdiocesan pastoral councils in response to the Second Vatican
Council's call for greater lay involvement in the church:
It is highly
desirable that in each diocese a pastoral council be established over which the
diocesan bishop himself will preside and in which specially chosen clergy,
religious, and lay people will participate. The function of this council will be
to investigate and to weigh matters which bear on pastoral activity, and to
formulate practical conclusions regarding them./42
The first council was
formed in Richmond in 1965. By 1983, 36 percent of the dioceses had councils./43
Although the 1983 code of canon law says pastoral councils should be established
"to the extent that pastoral circumstances recommend it,"/44 the code gives few
details on how these councils should be organized. As a result, they vary in
organization, size, procedures, and frequency of meetings.
The median size of
diocesan pastoral councils is 33, with the largest being Omaha with 407 and the
smallest Beaumount with 15 members. The councils, especially the larger ones,
make use of committees to do work and prepare reports for the full council.
Because of the existence of presbyteral councils, the emphasis in pastoral
councils has naturally been on lay input, although they are, in fact, composed
of priests, religious, and laity. The laity account for two-thirds of the
members of each council: 32 percent are laywomen and 34 percent laymen./45 Often
a layperson chairs the meetings of the pastoral council, but sometimes the
archbishop chairs them to show that he takes it seriously.
The membership of the
councils is "to be so selected that the entire portion of the people of God
which constitutes the diocese is truly reflected, with due regard for the
diverse regions, social conditions and professions of the diocese as well as the
role which they have in the apostolate."/46 They can be appointed, but one study
found that 70 percent are elected by deanery councils or similar representative
bodies./47 The priest representatives are normally elected by the presbyteral
council and the religious representatives elected by the religious. Lay
representation tends to be on geographic regions with some special rules for
special constituencies like minorities and young people. In a small archdiocese,
like Mobile, lay representatives may be chosen from each parish. Experience has
shown that better communication with the parishes results if the representatives
are the presidents (or at least members) of the parish councils. In a large
archdiocese, regional councils often elect members to the pastoral council, but
communication between the regional councils and the pastoral council has been
difficult.
George Wilson, S.J.,
who has been a consultant for a number of pastoral councils, prefers councils
that are appointed after input from a broad range of nominating mechanisms. He
has found democratically elected councils difficult to work with.
Experience seems to
be showing us that the method of electing parish "reps," who then gather to
elect deanery or regional "reps," who then become the diocesan council, does not
in fact produce members competent or attitudinally suited to play the serious
role of leadership in development of a diocese, i.e., in determining its goals
and policies./48
Others would agree
that working with democratically elected councils is difficult, but that they
better reflect the real church as required by canon law. All would stress the
importance of council members seeing themselves as concerned for the common good
of the diocese and not simply as representatives of a particular parish, region,
or group: priests, religious, blacks, Hispanics, women, rural, etc. "The
pastoral council is meant to be representative of the whole people of God
without the members being considered necessarily representatives (deputees)
of a specific constituency."/49 Successful councils usually have orientation
programs for new members.
The council's
responsibility is "to investigate under the authority of the bishop all those
things which pertain to pastoral works, to ponder them and to propose practical
conclusions about them."/50 Most councils meet at least quarterly. Some of the
very large councils meet annually as assemblies with an executive committee
meeting monthly. The agenda of the pastoral council is usually set by the
executive committee. Often the archbishop will ask the pastoral council to
discuss and react to documents from the National Conference of Catholic Bishops
or from Rome. For example, many archbishops asked their councils for reactions
to the early drafts of NCCB pastoral letters on peace, on the economy, and on
women. They also asked help in responding to material sent out prior to the 1980
synod on the family, the 1985 extraordinary synod and the 1987 synod on the
laity. Such discussions are both educational for the council members and helpful
to the archbishop in preparing his response.
Pastoral councils
have dealt with internal church issues (parish councils, financial policy, lay
salaries, due process, religious education) and issues of concern to the wider
community (abortion, advocacy programs for minorities, peace and justice).
Pastoral councils have also been involved in preparing archdiocesan mission
statements. Sometimes these mission statements are preceded by archdiocese-wide
surveys and parish discussions. Archbishops hope that these mission statements
will help set priorities for the archdiocese, but usually these statements are
so general and mention so many topics that they are little help in setting
priorities. On the other hand, some archbishops refer back to these statements
frequently in discussions about priorities and budgets. Often the process and
discussions in the pastoral council are more important than the mission
statement itself.
Chapter 4: Parish and Regional Governance
What does it take
to keep the Archbishop happy? Wine, women, and song.
Priest, St. Louis
Unless the pastor
is turned on with something, your program is going to end up in file thirteen.
Director of planning, Louisville.
The ministry of the
church is carried out primarily in parishes, the geographical units into which a
diocese is divided./1 Here new members are baptized, and their Christian life is
nurtured and celebrated through the sacraments and other parish programs. This
chapter will look at how archbishops influence parish life. Bishops and chancery
officials often describe their role as supporting and supervising the work that
is done in the parishes. Many also speak of encouraging the parishes to work
together.
The bishop influences
what happens in a parish in a number of ways. Most importantly, he trains
seminarians, ordains priests and appoints pastors, as will be explained in
chapter 6. He also oversees the parishes' financial administration, as will be
explained in chapter 5. He can also set a tone for the archdiocese through
pastoral letters, newspaper columns, sermons, and addresses to parish personnel.
He can exhort and encourage certain activities and discourage others.
Diocesan Policies
The bishop can also
mandate archdiocesan policies and procedures that must be followed in the
parishes. These policies and procedures can apply to the spiritual, sacramental,
educational, and financial life of the parish. Some archdioceses, like
Philadelphia, have a manual or a collection of policies and procedures for
pastors. "Cardinal Krol loves this book," explains the controller. "He thinks it
is the greatest thing since apple pie. Every time he assigns a new pastor, or
when the newly ordained get assigned, he hand-delivers a copy and says `This is
required reading now. You read this and follow it.'"
The establishment of
rules and routines that constrain the actions of subsidiary units in an
organization is a normal method of control and coordination./2 Such
standardization requires a stable environment and a high degree of certainty
that the rules and procedures will result in the desired outcomes. Mandated
policies vary greatly from diocese to diocese. Much of the material will simply
repeat the Vatican or national regulations dealing with issues such as the
liturgy and sacramental life of the parish. Some will expand on these
regulations, for example, what music may or may not be used at weddings, or what
preparation is required before someone can receive the sacraments of penance,
Communion, confirmation, or matrimony. Some policies regulate the administration
of the parishes. Most archdioceses, for example, require pastors to have parish
councils. Other policies will apply to church finances or to the parish school.
These policies are
not usually made in a vacuum. Normally the policies are developed through a
consultative process involving the bishop's cabinet, priests' council, pastoral
council, school board, or other groups. Often they are modeled on policies
developed in other dioceses.
But bishops do not
establish policies to cover every contingency. Such an attempt would be
counterproductive and would treat priests as bureaucrats rather than as
professionals. Policies dealing with the spiritual life of the parish are less
detailed except when dealing with preparation for and admittance to the
sacraments, especially marriage. Policies tend to be made in response to past
problems or conflicts. They are also written to answer the questions most
frequently asked of chancery officials. The most detailed policies tend to cover
finances (budgets, construction, collections, etc.), personnel (salaries,
hiring, firing, etc.) and legal obligations (contracts, taxes, insurance, etc.).
These are all areas with secular parallels. More will be said in later chapters
about diocesan policies and procedures affecting finances, personnel, education,
and social services.
More recently,
archbishops have attempted to coordinate by planning, which is a better response
to a changing environment than standardized rules and routines that are adopted
for the archdiocese./3 As will be seen below, through parish visitations they
have also encouraged coordination through mutual adjustment or coordination by
feedback.
Complaints
Establishing policies
is one thing; getting them implemented is quite another. Publishing policy
statements will not make good parishes. The bishop must give to the parishes
support, encouragement, and correction where needed. To do this, he must first
find out what is going on.
Archbishops hear from
parishioners. "They have no hesitation about writing letters," explained
Archbishop Donnellan of Atlanta, "so you get a variety of complaints. There is
no problem about things being brought to your attention." Most bishops pay
serious attention to their mail. They like to see incoming letters before they
are routed to the appropriate offices.
Most of the mail from
parishioners is negative. These letters have to be kept in perspective by the
bishops since "an astonishing 88 percent [of Catholics] approved of the job
their priests were doing; only 9 percent disapproved."/4 "Just like letters to
the editor, they are mostly critical," reports one archbishop. "Those who are
satisfied never bother to write." This same archbishop said, "It used to be that
the left wing of the church were the ones unhappy. I hear nothing from them
anymore, it is the right wing that you hear from most. It is mostly in the way
of complaints on liturgical matters. They are hyper-critical. It is a minority,
a vocal minority, and a very active minority."
Some of the
right-wing writers send copies of their letters "to Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger
[prefect of the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith] or Cardinal
Augustine Mayer [prefect of the Vatican Congregation for Divine Worship],"
complained one archbishop. "I used to answer those, but now I don't. If they
want to correct something in this diocese, fine, tell me and I will correct it.
Or I will explain that this is an option and that the priest can do that."
Besides complaints
about sermons and liturgies, often the complainant feels he or she was treated
unfairly by the pastor. A parish school will also be a source of complaints.
Sometimes the complaints deal with the personal conduct of the priests.
In responding to
complaints, most archbishops prefer to have the problem dealt with at the lowest
level possible. A complaint about a pastor might be passed on to a chancellor,
priest personnel director, regional vicar, or dean who would then investigate
the complaint and get the priest's side of the story.
Bishop Burst, vicar
for clergy in Milwaukee, explains how he deals with complaints over the phone:
The main thing is to
listen, to let the person talk. See what it is. Sometimes it is not serious at
all. Sometimes he didn't like what the priest said in the sermon. A lot of it
involves school problems. Some teacher's contract was not renewed. Great turmoil
over that.
Sometimes the best
thing is to get the person to talk to the priest directly. And that will handle
it. Sometimes the best tactic is to stall a little bit, and it will all go away
by itself.
Generally, we call
the priest and tell him this has come to us by phone, just to let him know. Then
you always get a different side of the story.
The main thing is to
pass the buck as much as you can. If it is a school issue, contact the school
office. Otherwise you get swamped under if you try to handle everything
yourself. No use trying to solve all the problems in the world by ourselves.
That would be dumb.
Depending on the
nature of the accusation and the number of previous complaints against the
pastor, the complaint will be taken more or less seriously. "If it is a very
serious thing, then you have to take more serious actions," says an archbishop."
And if it is something gravely serious that could cause scandal to the church,
then you have to take drastic action. You have to tell them that I'm not going
to allow them to continue until we see a psychologist or whoever in the
community would have to deal with this."
Some archbishops,
like Donnellan of Atlanta, will not take the complaint seriously unless the
person is willing to put it in a signed letter that can be shared with the
accused to get his side. If the complainant insists on remaining anonymous, the
matter will usually be dropped. Other archbishops prefer not to reveal the name
of the person complaining. One archbishop explains:
It might be somebody
complaining that a priest was maybe crude or inconsiderate in a given situation.
It might be that somebody thinks that he is drinking too much. It might be a
priest showing some kind of misconduct that others have a right to complain
about in his personal life or in his ministry.
Generally, a word to
the wise is all that is needed. I tell the priest that "I don't think I have to
reveal the source. I'm telling you what the complaint is, and I have no way of
knowing if it is an objective thing or purely subjective by way of the
complainer. You were reported to have done this or not done that. I'm not
judging you, I don't know how reliable that person is. But you know whether you
did this or not."
Sometimes the priest
will be noncommittal and not say yes or no. I am not asking them to say yes or
no, I just want to get this information to him. If this happens again, then I
will have to ask him, "Is this true?" and get down to the nitty-gritty. If he
denies it, then, OK, he denies it. But I'm not discounting the complaint either.
Most bishops and
chancery officials appear to be biased in favor of the priests. This reflects
their desire for due process (he is innocent until proven guilty) and their
reluctance to take sides against a fellow priest. On the other hand, serious
problems often first surface through complaints addressed to the bishop.
Regional Governance
Some archdioceses
have so many parishes that it is impossible for the archbishop to supervise and
support them directly. Archbishops of populous archdioceses have responded by
dividing their archdioceses into regional vicariates overseen by episcopal
vicars who are usually auxiliary bishops./5 The auxiliaries spend much of their
time visiting parishes.
Archbishops recognize
advantages and disadvantages to the vicariate system. The advantage is having
someone close to the scene, familiar with the local situation, who can represent
the archbishop. If the vicar is an auxiliary bishop, his representative value
can be very strong. The vicar is also an important communication channel who can
inform the archbishop about the needs and problems of his vicariate. The
disadvantage of the vicariate system is that the priests often see it as another
layer of bureaucracy separating them from the archbishop. In addition, the
actual power and authority of the vicars is frequently limited and ambiguous.
Population size is a
more important variable than geographic size in fostering regional vicariates.
For example, Newark, the smallest archdiocese in area but one of the largest in
population (1.3 million Catholics), is divided into four vicariates, each headed
by an auxiliary bishop, coinciding with the counties of Bergen, Essex, Hudson,
and Union. Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Dubuque, Los Angeles, St. Paul,
and Washington also have regional vicariates overseen by auxiliaries. The
vicariates are often further divided into deaneries.
How to divide the
diocese geographically is a debated issue. Often vicariates and deaneries follow
city and county boundaries. Most also attempt to join parishes with similar
economic or demographic characteristics, because they share common interests and
problems. When they meet as a unit, they can discuss their common concerns and
develop common policies and programs.
In some dioceses,
like Detroit, there is an attempt to construct vicariates that reflect the
diocese as a whole. Rather than placing urban parishes in one, suburban in
another, and rural in a third, each vicariate would contain a mix. This
pie-shaped model is defended on the grounds that it forces everyone to remember
that they are one church. It also encourages twinning between rich and poor
parishes. On the other hand, their vicariate meetings are not very productive
because the people do not share common concerns and find it difficult to work on
common programs. In Detroit, for example, the school office tried working with
the vicariates, but "it doesn't work," reports the superintendent of schools.
"The city schools have different needs than the suburban schools."
Archdioceses with
only one auxiliary usually do not have a vicariate system because of the fear
that the region given to the auxiliary would feel abandoned by the archbishop.
For example, an archdiocese with one major city and a large rural area could not
officially give the rural area to the auxiliary while leaving the city under the
direct supervision of the archbishop. Many rural areas already feel they don't
get enough attention from the archbishop, and leaving them to the auxiliary
would exacerbate things. Unofficially, an archbishop may, in fact, ask the
auxiliary to give more time to places distant from the see city.
But even some
populous archdioceses, like New York, Philadelphia, and Hartford, with a number
of auxiliary bishops, do not have them acting as regional vicars. Archbishop
Whealon decided against using vicars in Hartford, although he wondered if he had
made the correct decision. He explains:
I can see a plus in
the vicar system in that it does permit a close supervision of almost everybody
down the line. People reporting to people who report to the bishop.
On the other hand,
the drawbacks are that it sets up middle men between the priest and the bishop;
that leads to resentment on the part of priests. It develops a flood of
mimeographed materials sent out to people who have to do the work anyhow--the
parish priests. It can easily establish a person in the middle who feels
supported by neither side. Further, it builds up bureaucracy in a dramatic way.
It builds up expenses.
I am going to stay
away from it as long as I can, but I am just not sure that this is the way it
should be. I think it is a necessity in New York, Boston, and Chicago. But is it
a necessity in Cleveland, in Erie? I just don't know.
Power and Influence
What powers a vicar
has varies among archdioceses. The archbishop usually reserves to himself the
really important decisions--priest personnel assignments, large expenditures,
the closing or opening of a school or parish, etc. Normally, the archbishop
would consult the vicar before making a major decision affecting his vicariate.
Some vicars have input into these decisions by sitting on the priests' personnel
board, the finance council, the archbishop's cabinet, and/or other advisory
bodies. Often it takes time before the priests and people recognize the vicar's
role. "It took almost two years before people would accept their decisions as
authority," reports Archbishop Borders of Baltimore, where one of the first
regional systems was set up. In addition, if the auxiliary is seen to have no
influence in important matters, the pastors will not take him seriously.
Vicars are especially
concerned about who will be made pastors in their vicariate. If they sit on the
personnel board, their input is direct. They will bring to the board the needs
of their parishes and the desires of their priests. If they are not on the
board, the priests' personnel director or the archbishop will have to get their
input.
Some vicars do have
extensive financial jurisdiction over the parishes. For example, a vicar in
Detroit reviews the parish budget and can approve any project that costs up to
$50,000. Even when the vicar does not have the authority to make the decision,
often the archbishop or the vicar for finance will consult him about the
situation in the parish.
In Los Angeles,
Archbishop Mahony established regional offices for vicars that included
officials from Catholic Charities and other archdiocesan agencies. How these
administrators will relate to their archdiocesan supervisors and to the vicar is
not clear. But most archbishops are opposed to setting up minichanceries in the
vicariates. As a result, the relationship of the vicars to the archdiocesan
chancery is often unclear. He is someone the administrators should listen to
respectfully, but the priests' personnel director, the superintendent of
schools, and the director of finances report to the archbishop not to the
vicars. The vicar may see chancery officials infrequently unless the archbishop
has joint meetings of his regional vicars and his administrative directors.
Under these
circumstances the vicar's power is often based on his ability to persuade the
archbishop, chancery officials, and pastors to go along with his proposals. The
vicars tend to describe themselves as conveners and coordinators of pastors or
other local groups with common interests and problems. They often act not as
decision makers but as facilitators who help groups work toward consensus. Some
vicariates, for example, have developed common sacramental preparation programs
used by all the parishes in the vicariate. Others have developed joint social or
educational programs.
The vicars also act
as lines of communication between the parishes and the chancery, especially the
archbishop. They can interpret and explain policy to pastors and be a channel of
feedback to the central administration. Vicars can also act as ombudsmen by
supporting parish interests before archdiocesan agencies. In addition, many
diocesan agencies are finding the vicariate meetings an efficient and effective
way of communicating with parishes. Communication is very important when a
regional organization and an archdiocesan agency are working on the same
problem. For example, school consolidation would normally be worked on by both
the school office and a deanery or vicariate organization.
As a result, the
regional vicar is often the man in the middle, which allows him to influence
decisions but not make them. Since he would rarely disagree publicly with his
archbishop, he may have to defend policies he disagrees with. He is often
inaccurately seen by the parishioners as a man of immense power (after all he is
a bishop). On the other hand, pastors realize that he can often be circumvented
on important issues. In short, the man is more important than the office. If he
is listened to by the archbishop and respected by the priests, he can be very
influential. But if he fails to persuade others to his point of view, he will be
very frustrated because he has little power to impose his views.
The importance of the
man in the job became clear in 1985 when the priests' council in the archdiocese
of New York considered a proposal to divide the archdiocese into four
vicariates. Under Cardinal Terence Cooke there were 17 vicars (priests and
bishops) who had been given their positions and then told not to do anything.
Cardinal O'Connor found upon his arrival that vicars and priests were very
dissatisfied with this system. The council proposal would have transformed the
old vicars into deans and then established new vicars over larger areas of the
archdiocese. This proposal received wide support in the priests' council until
the members began to think about who would be their vicars. Since in most cases
the auxiliary bishop residing in the vicariate would be the vicar, the members
of the council could guess who would be their vicar. This gave enough priests
second thoughts so that the proposal was sent back to committee for more study.
Often the vicariates
are further divided into deaneries. The deans do on a smaller scale what the
vicars do in their regions. They act as facilitators and coordinators in their
deaneries. For example, they might help coordinate Mass schedules and penance
services in their deaneries. They often act as consultants and lines of
communication for the vicar. But since the deans are full time pastors, the time
that they can give to being dean is limited.
Parish Visitations
Archbishops do not
like simply to sit in their offices doing paperwork. They believe that visiting
parishes is an important part of their ministry. Some archbishops only visit a
parish for a special event like confirmation. They either have no time for
anything else or they feel that it is best to leave the pastors alone to do
their jobs. Other bishops will make a special pastoral visit independently of
confirmation. This practice has been encouraged by the Holy See./6 Such visits
provide a bishop with information and feedback that can improve his supervisory
and coordinating activities.
When visiting a
parish, the archbishop or auxiliary bishop can be a role model for priests in
the way he preaches and celebrates liturgies. "They have to hear me preach
well," explains Archbishop Kelly of Louisville. "For me to wing it in their
presence is to allow them to do the same."
In St. Louis, pastors
quickly learned that Archbishop May wanted women to be involved in his liturgies
as either eucharistic ministers or lectors when he visited a parish. He also
liked singing and encouraged Communion under both species. As the priests'
underground newsletter put it: "What does it take to keep the archbishop happy?
Wine, women, and song."
Even a confirmation
visit can tell the bishop a lot about the parish. The bishop can gain much
information about the parish simply by observing how well the liturgy is
prepared: Can the choir sing? Can the readers be understood? Is there an
offertory procession? Are there extraordinary ministers of Communion? If the
parish did not prepare well for the bishop's liturgy, it is likely that they are
unprepared for most of their liturgies. "If you go for a confirmation,"
Archbishop Donnellan of Atlanta explained,
you have the
opportunity to observe how the altar boys function, what the rectory looks like,
how the sacristy is, and so on. You have an opportunity to observe the parish
and to talk to the pastor.
Besides liturgical
ceremonies, the archbishop can observe other things about the parish during his
visit. How do the people interact with the parish priests and staff? How well do
those confirmed answer his questions? What do people say to him at the
reception? Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile recalls being approached at a reception
by a young child who had just received confirmation.
[She] is in tears not
because she has received the Holy Spirit, but because she cannot serve Mass.
Here is her chance to
confront the bishop up close. That is what she has been waiting for all during
her confirmation, to ask the bishop about why she can't be an altar boy.
There is somebody who
has got the preparation and instruction of those children all mixed up if they
have made this kind of value so paramount in their lives as to cause drastic
warps in their faith life.
In an official
full-day pastoral visitation, the bishop will meet with the parish council and
the parish staff, especially the pastor and the associates. If there is a
school, he would also meet with the principal and even visit some of the
classes. "The kids go home and tell their parents, `The bishop was there. He
talked to us,'" explains Archbishop Kucera of Dubuque. "It is corny, but I
always tell the little kids, `You go home and hug and kiss your mother and
father, and you tell them: This is from the archbishop. He thanks you for
sending you to a Catholic school.'"
After visiting each
classroom for five minutes, Archbishop Pilarczyk of Cincinnati meets with the
teachers and the religious education teachers for forty minutes to an hour. "I
ask them what they like about their school, what they would like to see going on
in the next five years or so," he says. "The same thing about the CCD [religious
education] program. [I listen to] whatever they want to say. I try to encourage
them to be teachers because the church needs teachers."
Archbishop Pilarczyk
also meets with the parish staff, which could include the principal, director of
religious education, youth minister, liturgy minister, organist, pastoral
minister, permanent deacon, and others.
I meet with them as a
group. I thought of meeting them individually, but then I decided that wasn't
such a good idea because one could be afraid of what the others are going to
say.
I ask everybody to
tell me what they do, and we just go around the circle. `I do this and this and
this.' But the pastor will say, `Yeah, but you also do such and such.' It's a
nice thing.
In the evening, the
bishop will usually have dinner with the priests. "My thinking is that there has
to be a time when priests have time with their bishop," says Archbishop
Pilarczyk. Then there would be a liturgy and afterwards a meeting with the
parish council. Archbishop Pilarczyk also asks the council, "What do you like
about your parish and what would you like to see going on in the next few
years?"
In such a visit, the
archbishop has more time to listen to people's concerns and ask questions about
what they are doing. He also can learn their reactions to archdiocesan programs
and agencies: Are they really serving the parish or simply getting in its way?
But such visits are time consuming. Many archbishops complain that they do not
have enough time to do these visits properly. In bigger archdioceses, the
archbishop cannot make long visits at many parishes; the auxiliaries will have
to bear the brunt of most parish visitations.
Closing Parishes
A serious problem
currently faced by archbishops is population shifts that leave many old
inner-city churches empty as Catholics move to the suburbs. These huge plants
are expensive to run for a few families, but closing them is very controversial.
Not only do the parishioners want their parish kept open, former parishioners
who have moved to the suburbs often have sentimental attachments to these
churches. This is especially true of churches built by strong ethnic
communities. The problem is further exacerbated by the fact that the parish may
now contain black or Hispanic Catholics who will feel abandoned by the church if
the parish is closed.
"We had a nine-month
process, working with the people," recalls the secretary for planning in
Baltimore where two parishes with only seventy-five parishioners were closed.
"The end result was still the same, they believed it was a betrayal." In both
cases there were neighboring parishes within three or four blocks./7
Similarly in Detroit,
controversy surrounded the announcement in October 1988 that forty-three inner
city churches, serving 10,000 parishioners, would be closed the following June.
The announcement, which affected one third of the city's parishes, followed a
five-year study of the archdiocese. Church officials noted that there are only
48,800 Catholic households in the city, down from 104,380 in 1976. Over the past
seven years, the archdiocese had subsidized urban parishes and their schools to
the tune of $19 million. In 1981, when the archdiocese closed one parish,
parishioners occupied the church and it took 60 police officers to clear the
site for demolition.
Rather than stir up a
hornet's nest, the archbishop will usually leave the parish alone as long as it
is not a serious drain on archdiocesan finances. But the decline in the number
of priests and the need for them elsewhere puts additional pressure on the
archbishop to act. He will also have to consider closing small rural parishes.
To "take a priest out of a small rural parish that has had one for a 150 years
can be devastating," notes the Baltimore secretary for planning, especially if
there is no nearby parish where the people can go.
Archbishops have
attempted a number of different strategies to deal with parish closings and
priest shortages. Probably the least successful is the executive fiat from the
bishop closing the parish. Many bishops have had to back down in the face of
strong opposition to such announcements. Sometimes the archbishop will indicate
to the parish that when the current pastor retires he will not be replaced.
Where the archdiocese
has a number of such parishes, as in Chicago, Cincinnati, and Detroit, the
archbishop will attempt to develop a systematic way of dealing with the
parishes. Often this will involve extensive consultation with priests and
parishioners prior to any decision. Plant surveys will be made to determine
which church buildings are in the best condition. Census data will be used to
show historical trends. Urban planners will be consulted on the future of the
neighborhood. Spread sheets projecting annual income and expenditures will be
distributed.
Ideally the
parishioners will be convinced that they would be better off consolidating with
a neighboring parish. More realistically they will recognize that the decision
was not arbitrary. "There is always going to be pain," admits the secretary of
planning in Baltimore.
No matter how
careful, how sensitive, how long the process, how much effort, how many people
involved, when the actual closing comes, there is a lot of hurt. You try to be
sensitive and do everything you can and plan, study, get data, make a case. But
ultimately somebody has to say, this is dying. Dying is tough.
Some archbishops are
trying to get their people ready for fewer priests. In Chicago, the personnel
office projects that the number of priests will decline from 850 in 1984 to 600
in 1990 for 444 parishes. Places with 2 priests would have 1, and some with 1
would have none. When this information was shared with 24 sample parishes, the
responses were surprising. The director of personnel reports:
The most liberal
parishes said, "So we may not have priests. We will be a faith community. We
really don't need priests. We will be leaders ourselves."
The most conservative
parishes said that "priesthood is absolutely essential because we have to have
Mass. So change the rules about who becomes priests." Old ethnic Polish parishes
said, "Why don't they ordain the nuns. Then we will have enough." We were not
prepared for that kind of response.
Cincinnati has
a parish-based planning program called, "For the Harvest," that appears to have
been successful./8
Archbishop Pilarczyk describes it:
It has three
components. One is, What's our parish all about and what should we be all about?
The second component is, What are we going to do when we don't have as many
priests? And the third component is, How can neighboring parishes work together?
The first component
is a self-evaluation tool. [The second is] a fact they're going to have to deal
with, and most of the parishes have come to grips with ways to deal with it. The
third is revolutionary because of the mind-set of many pastors: "I have been
sent by God to be pastor here; our parish will do everything." To depend on
another parish for anything was viewed as a failure.
In Norwood there are
three parishes with a consolidated school. If we were starting over, we wouldn't
have three parishes, we would have one. Those pastors got together about a year
ago, about the time that "For the Harvest" was just getting underway. They
revised their Saturday and Sunday Mass schedules so that nobody's would conflict
with anybody else's. They hired a common director of religious education for the
three parishes. They exchanged bulletins. A parishioner from any of those three
parishes can go to any of the other two, put his envelope in the basket and the
envelope is returned to the home parish. Amazing!
Despite all the
studies and consultation, closing a parish remains one of the most difficult
things a bishop has to do./9
Lay Ministry
With the decline in
the number of priests, some bishops are appointing lay administrators to
parishes rather than closing them. Seventy of the 167 dioceses responding to a
NCCB survey have parishes with nonpriests as administrators. Fifty-one dioceses
said they had parishes with Sunday services conducted without a priest./10 In
1988, the Baltimore archdiocese announced that 9 of its 153 parishes (3 in each
of the 3 vicariates) would be headed by pastoral administrators. In the Portland
archdiocese, Archbishop Power appointed lay administrators to two parishes, both
women, one a religious, one a lay catechist./11 This is most common in small
towns or rural areas where the distances are too great for people to drive to
another parish. Depending on his or her abilities, the lay administrator becomes
for all practical purposes the pastor. He or she visits the sick, prepares
people for the sacraments, and counsels people in the parish.
Some parishes will be
visited once a week by a priest who says Mass. Others might be visited only once
a month. When a priest is not available, the lay administrator will conduct a
service that will include a Liturgy of the Word (prayers, songs, Scripture
readings, and a homily) much like that at a Mass. This will be followed by a
quasi-eucharistic prayer (without the consecration) and a Communion service
using already consecrated bread. At the time of my interviews there was concern
that the new archbishop of Portland, William Levada, would reverse this trend by
employing retired religious and foreign-born priests. Supporters of the program
wanted to learn from the experience of having lay administrators in a few
parishes before the inevitable time when twenty to forty parishes had no priest.
The increase in the
number and kinds of lay ministries has resulted, not simply because of the
decline in the number of priests and religious, but also because of the growth
in the number of parish programs and an increased awareness of the role of the
laity in the church. Numerous volunteers teach religious education to children,
run social programs, and participate in various parish committees. Eucharistic
ministers, for example, take Communion to the sick and shut ins.
A recent phenomenon
of parish life is the increasing number of full-time professionals employed by
the parish. Lay people were first hired as teachers in the parish school and as
bookkeepers. But the number of ministries has expanded tremendously. Many
parishes have religious education directors for organizing and running
catechetical programs for both adults and for children not in the parochial
schools. These directors supervise and coordinate the volunteer teachers.
Some parishes also
have liturgical ministers who train and coordinate musicians, singers,
eucharistic ministers, servers, and lectors. They also plan and organize
weddings, funerals, baptisms, and the Sunday liturgies. Pastoral ministers are
also involved in marriage and baptismal preparation programs, as well as in
marriage counseling. Youth ministers are employed to run programs for young
people, and social ministers run programs to help the poor and underprivileged.
Some large parishes have business or plant managers. The number of lay ministers
varies tremendously around the country. More appear in archdioceses that are
feeling the pinch of the clergy shortage.
"We have about 185
full-time, full-blown parish ministers in this diocese, and that's unusual"
reports Archbishop Roach of St. Paul proudly. "We have about 85 full-time youth
ministers."
At first these
ministries developed with little encouragement or control from the chancery,
especially in archdioceses where parishes had the financial resources and
freedom to take the initiative. Later the archbishop and the chancery began to
take notice of these ministries to encourage or control them. Chanceries also
became involved in response to complaints and calls for help.
Complaints came that
people without training were hired to do religious education. "You get a mixed
bag of very well qualified and not too well qualified people," explains
Archbishop Roach. "We tended to move very quickly to meet those needs. You spend
the first three years hiring and the next three years trying to clean up your
act, getting rid of the people you shouldn't have hired. But for the vast
majority, we've done pretty well." As a result of these complaints, some
archdioceses established guidelines for hiring religious education directors and
other lay ministers.
Other complaints came
from pastors of poor parishes who had their personnel stolen by richer parishes
who could offer higher salaries. Parish employees would complain that they were
fired without cause by a new pastor. The IRS would complain that taxes were not
being withheld. Someone would get injured and sue the parish and the
archdiocese, and the archbishop would find out the employee was not covered by
any insurance. All of this raised questions about how detailed should be
diocesan regulations covering lay ministers and employees in parishes.
Pastors also came to
the chancery asking for help. Where do you find a good religious education
director, youth minister, etc.? Are there any sisters looking for work? They
also requested legal advice on taxes, contracts, and insurance. Should you fire
someone accused of child abuse if there is no proof? Can the archdiocese run
workshops or training programs for parish ministers?
All of this has led
to the founding in some archdioceses (Baltimore, Chicago, Miami, Newark, St.
Paul) of an office for lay ministry or a personnel office. These offices have
become resource centers and clearinghouses for job applicants. Application forms
are filled out, transcripts, letters of recommendations, and other information
are collected, and candidates are interviewed. Sometimes diocesan standards will
be set for certain positions, for example, requiring a degree in religious
education for a religious education director.
The ministry office
will then make available to approved candidates a list of parishes looking for
people. The candidate then approaches the parish, is interviewed, and ultimately
hired or not by the pastor. The ministry or personnel office might also draft
contracts and propose salary scales, but usually the parish can pay more than
the scale if it wants to. The ministry office will also run or organize
workshops and training programs for parish ministers.
For many of these
ideas, the ministry office did not have to reinvent the wheel but was able to
borrow many policies and procedures from the archdiocesan department of
education, which had many years of experience processing teachers' applications.
Most dioceses also
have deacons who are technically clerics, not laymen. Since most of these
deacons are only part-time workers in the parish where they live, they have not
had as much impact as full-time lay ministers. Responding to complaints that
deacons are simply glorified altar boys, the archdiocese of Hartford now
requires that a candidate have a contract with his pastor giving him primary
responsibility for a ministry in the parish before he can be ordained a deacon.
Archdiocesan Programs
Besides working
directly with parishes and through his vicars, the archbishop also oversees
numerous agencies that provide programs for the parishes. Some agency programs
are independent of the parishes, but many either serve the parishes or need
their participation to be successful. For example, the liturgy office may have
workshops to train lectors and eucharistic ministers, while the education office
might have workshops for catechists. Or a social justice program may need the
participation of parish volunteers to achieve its goal. The archbishop is often
the man in the middle between the pastors and agency heads. Agencies want to use
him to twist arms so that the parishes participate in their programs. Pastors
often give him an earful about what they think of the programs.
Pastors complain that
archdiocesan offices often create more work for them rather than serving them.
What they get in the mail from these offices is a list of things that they are
supposed to do or that they are supposed to get their parishioners to
do--parish-based programs to fight abortion, feed the hungry, to dialogue with
other faiths, to improve liturgy, to reach out to the unchurched, to work for
peace and justice, etc. The last thing that the pastors want is something else
to do.
In addition, bishops
are sensitive to the complaints of pastors about the amount of paper they
receive from chancery offices. The pastors are at the bottom of a paper funnel
that collects encyclicals, pastoral letters, reports, newsletters, and
statements from offices in the Vatican, from the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops, and from the local chancery. The more they receive, the less likely
they are to read it. This is a catch-22 problem, however, since the pastors also
complain when something happens and they are not informed or consulted.
Chancery officials
see pastors as the "narrow neck of the funnel," explains the director of
planning in Louisville. "Unless the pastor is turned on with something, your
program is going to end up in file thirteen." Some agencies "develop a great
program, put it in the mail to all the parishes, and then go home," he
complains. "Until the customer uses it, it isn't a sale. If you don't get it
down to the parishioners, you haven't done anything." Some agency heads believe
that the pastors will use their programs only if the archbishop gets behind it.
But the archbishops realize that they can't push everything without losing
credibility. Other agencies try to bypass the pastors and work directly with lay
leaders in the parishes. This can also lead to angry pastors if they are not
consulted or if they do not like what is going on.
A program that has
proven very popular with archbishops is Renew, a parish renewal program
originating in Newark. Often it has been the archbishop who has pushed most
strongly for Renew because of the good things he has heard about it from other
bishops. Where the archbishop has not been enthusiastic, Renew has not been
adopted or it has not been implemented. The biggest obstacle to Renew is usually
the pastors who see it as just another program to be added on top of what they
are already doing. Those who see it as an opportunity to develop new leadership
in the parish are more easily won over.
Conclusion
Although parishioners
rarely see their archbishop, he has a tremendous impact on the life of their
parish. It is impossible for an archbishop to minister directly to the thousands
of people in his archdiocese. These people are reached primarily by the priests
and other ministers in the parishes. The archbishop can exhort and encourage, he
can lay down policy and regulations, and he can visit parishes. But the ministry
must be done by others. In a large archdiocese, even the supervision of the
parishes will have to be done by a vicar. In addition, through various
archdiocesan offices, he can offer programs to the parishes. But he has to be
sensitive to the ability of the parishes to absorb these programs.
None of this can
happen unless the parishes and the archdiocese have money to run their programs.
The next chapter will examine how an archbishop supervises parish finances and
how he finances archdiocesan operations and programs.
Footnotes
1. A series of
reports on Catholic parishes has been done by the Notre Dame Study of Catholic
Parish Life, University of Notre Dame, 1201 Memorial Library, Notre Dame, IN
46556. These are summarized in Joseph Gremillion and Jim Castelli, The
Emerging Parish (New York: Harper & Row, 1987). Also see David Byers, ed.,
The Parish in Transition: Proceedings of a Conference on the American
Catholic Parish (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1985). Also see
New Catholic World 228 (November-December 1985).
2. James D. Thompson,
Organizations in Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976), 56.
3. Ibid., 56.
4. George Gallup,
Jr., and Jim Castelli, The American Catholic People (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1987), 44. Also, Dean R. Hoge, "Trends in Catholic Lay Attitudes
Since Vatican II on Church Life and Leadership," Study of Future Church
Leadership, Report No. 5 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, May
1986, Mimeographed), 12. No demographic category had less than 80 percent
approving the priests. See Hoge (1986), appendix, p. 4.
5. William Bassett,
"The Office of Episcopal Vicar," Jurist 30 (1970): 285-313; Robert Howes,
"The Episcopal Vicar--Comments of a Pastoral Planner," Jurist 31 (1971):
506-14; Thomas P. Swift, S.J., "The Pastoral Office of Episcopal Vicars:
Changing Roles and Powers," Jurist 40 (1980): 225-56.
6. Sacred
Congregation for Bishops, Directory on the Pastoral Ministry of Bishops
(Ottawa: Canadian Catholic Conference, 1974), 85-87.
7. For more on
planning in Baltimore, see Dean Hoge, Future of Catholic Leadership:
Responses to the Priest Shortage (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1987), 89-93.
8. For more about
Cincinnati, see Hoge, Future of Catholic Leadership, 93-96.
9. Surprisingly, a
Gallup survey done for Dean Hoge found that merging parishes was more acceptable
to Catholics than other ways of dealing with the priest shortage, such as
cutting back on services. One out of four said that, as a solution to the clergy
shortage, a "merger of [their] parish and another parish" was "very acceptable"
and another 51 percent said it was "somewhat acceptable." This could indicate
that closing and merging of parishes must be clearly seen as resulting from the
clergy shortage if they are to be accepted by the people. On the other hand,
Professor Hoge is suspicious of this data since many respondents might assume
that "merger of [their] parish..." means the respondent's parish will survive
and the other will disappear. See Gallup and Castelli, American Catholic
People, 55, and Dean R. Hoge, "Attitudes of Catholic Adults and College
Students about the Priest Shortage and Parish Life," Study of Future Church
Leadership, Report No. 2 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America,
September 1985, Mimeographed), table 3.
10. "70 Dioceses Have
Priestless Parishes; 51 Report Priestless Sundays," NC News Service, Sept. 16,
1988. See also NCCB Committee on the Liturgy Newsletter, July-August
1988.
11. For more about
Portland, see Hoge, Future of Catholic Leadership, 97-99.
Chapter 5:
Financial Administration
Any diocese can
give to the People of God only what the People of God can pay for.
Msgr. Benjamin G. Hawkes.
While money isn't
everything, it's probably better than holy pictures for paying people's
salaries.
Archbishop O'Meara.
Without financial
resources, the church, like any other organization, cannot do very much. Money
buys food, clothing, shelter, and office supplies. It pays salaries, rent,
telephone, and energy bills. Money cannot buy everything, especially the
supernatural goals the church holds dear. But efficient and effective use of
financial resources make the achievement of these goals a possibility.
Every archdiocese is
a multimillion dollar operation. The smallest archdiocese, Anchorage, has a
budget of $1.5 million for its central offices. The revenues of the New York
archdiocese, including parishes, exceeded $264 million in fiscal year 1983. The
endowment and deposit and loan funds of the archdiocese totaled more than $172
million. The plant facilities, evaluated at cost, were more than $811 million.
Across the Hudson River in the poorer archdiocese of Newark the figures are
still big. At replacement value, the 250 parishes plus schools are evaluated at
over $1 billion. The annual operating budget is close to $100 million with
10,000 employees.
With operations of
this size, financial administration is important and takes professional
expertise. Even smaller archdioceses require careful administration to husband
limited resources. A single financial mistake can be devastating to a poor
archdiocese. For example, in order to give the University of Albuquerque a
chance to become self-sustaining, the archdiocese of Santa Fe took it over. When
it eventually closed, the archdiocese was left with its $6 million debt.
Most bishops have no
training in financial administration. If they were lucky, they learned a little
about church finances while working in the chancery before becoming a bishop. In
addition, most archbishops got experience administering a smaller diocese before
being put in charge of an archdiocese.
To help him in
financial administration, the archbishop has a finance officer, who is usually
one of the most influential persons in the archdiocese. In the past, these
officials were usually priests, but now they are more often laypeople with
training in financial administration. Frequently an accountant is hired away
from the accounting firm that audits the archdiocese's books.
The finance office
collects revenues, pays bills, manages the cash flow and investments, and
negotiates contracts for construction, insurance, and salaries. The finance
officer is also the principal financial advisor of the bishop. "I am in charge
of everything that has a dollar sign in front of it," explained the late Msgr.
Benjamin G. Hawkes, vicar for finances in Los Angeles.
The degree of
professionalization and the size of the finance staff varies from archdiocese to
archdiocese. In general, large archdioceses usually have larger and more
professional staffs than small archdioceses. In a large archdiocese, economies
of scale may permit specialists to handle real estate transactions, investments,
fund raising, insurance (health, property, and liability), pensions, accounting,
purchasing, cemeteries, etc. In a small archdiocese, the finance officer may be
the only professional on a staff that includes bookkeepers and secretaries.
Besides size, the
financial condition of the archdiocese has an impact on the size and
professional character of the finance office. An indebted archdiocese, like
Newark, is more likely to improve its financial administration than a
financially stable archdiocese that feels no pressure to clean up its finances.
The Newark director of finances recalls that when he arrived "some of the more
rudimentary controls or rudimentary business techniques were nonexistent."
Finally, the
retirement or death of an old archbishop or finance officer may bring about
changes in financial administration. While these experienced men may have
carried the financial and administrative history of the archdiocese in their
heads, their successors must build a professional system to understand and
control finances.
Parish Finances
In examining
archdiocesan finances, it is important to distinguish between the parishes and
the other archdiocesan administrative units. Parishes are supported almost
entirely by revenues collected from their parishioners. The average Catholic
contributes $320 to the church each year, or 1.1 percent of his or her annual
income./1
This money is used to maintain the
parish plant and to support parish personnel. In the New York archdiocese, 97
percent of the revenues collected in a parish stay there for parish programs,
including the parish school.
Dioceses are
organized under civil law in different ways depending on state laws. Over half
the dioceses in the United States, including many archdioceses (like Atlanta,
Chicago, Louisville, Los Angeles, Miami, Mobile, San Francisco, St. Louis, and
Washington) are organized as a corporation sole, without a board of directors,
where the bishop is the legal owner of all the parish and diocesan assets./2
Other dioceses are organized as a corporation aggregate. In these archdioceses
(like Hartford, Minneapolis, New York, St. Paul), each parish is a separately
incorporated nonprofit corporation with the bishop and/or his appointees as
trustees or members of the board of directors. For example, the bishop might be
the head of the parish corporation with his vicar general, the pastor, and a
couple of laypersons as trustees. Other parts of the archdiocese are also
separately incorporated: high schools, seminaries, hospitals, cemeteries,
Catholic Charities, chancery, and other institutions and agencies. Ordinarily,
the archbishop would be the president of all these corporations.
The civil and
canonical legislation covering church finances is complex. The laws ensure that
the bishop maintains control over church funds. The laws also require that money
given for a specific purpose generally be used for that purpose. The bishop is
ultimately responsible for seeing that the funds of the parish are used wisely
and for the good of the church. On the other hand, if someone donates $1 million
to a parish for a new church, the bishop can not use it to help build a new high
school.
How much autonomy
parishes have over their funds varies from archdiocese to archdiocese. In most
archdioceses the parishes are very independent; in others the archdiocesan
finance office holds a tight reign. In some archdioceses, such as Los Angeles,
the finances are highly centralized, while in others, like St. Paul, they are
decentralized.
Parish Budgets and Annual
Reports
All archdioceses
require that a pastor submit a financial report to the chancery at least once a
year. These reports allow a minimal form of financial control and provide
statistics for an unaudited financial report. In addition, they are used to
calculate assessments paid by parishes to the archdiocese.
Typically, the
reports show the income and expenditures of the parish for the concluded fiscal
year, but the sophistication of these reports varies. Most would give a
breakdown by major categories: income from collections, tuition, bingo, and
other fund raising events; expenditures for salaries, utilities, insurance,
repairs, etc. All of this would usually be on a cash rather than accrual basis.
Some archdioceses
have developed more sophisticated parish accounting systems that aid in the
control and management of expenses. Most reports would try to separate the
income and expenses of the school from other parish income and expenses. This
would be useful in deciding tuition charges. But such accounting "is subject to
the pitfalls of bookkeepers estimating what goes where," according to the
archdiocesan controller in Louisville. Direct expenses for the school, such as
salaries and supplies, are easily separated. Joint expenses, like maintenance
and utilities, are sometimes difficult to allocate, especially for multiple-use
buildings.
Many archdioceses
also require that the parish draw up a budget projecting the income and expenses
for the coming year. Most archdiocesan finance officers admit that these budgets
and annual reports are not closely examined unless a parish wants to borrow
money or unless it is receiving a subsidy from the archdiocese. The Chicago
director of administrative services confesses that, with limited staff, "the
ones that are reviewed are the ones that need the financial help from us. Those
that don't, get away with murder because you concentrate on what is draining
your cash. We can have rich places that are very sloppily run."
Besides looking at
parishes that need money from the archdiocese, the finance office examines the
budgets and reports to find parishes with financial problems. The finance office
of Hartford explains what he looks for:
If the parish is
operating at a deficit, that is a problem. We look at it to see why. That is the
number one red flag.
Another might be that
the subsidy to the school is growing and their reserves are getting down to
zero. We would probably let them know that the day of reckoning is coming. Those
reserves are not going to last. They had better anticipate the school problem.
We might see a parish
has borrowed money, and if we haven't given permission for that we would want to
know what that was all about. It might have been an expenditure that we hadn't
given permission for.
Most of our annual
reports do not present problems. On the contrary, a number of them call for a
letter of commendation for the pastors who did a great job making ends meet.
More and more
archdioceses are requiring that the financial report and the budget be reviewed
by the parish finance council. Archdiocesan finance officers hope that these
councils will give the budgets and reports the kind of scrutiny that the finance
office does not have time for.
Sophisticated Oversight
With the advent of
computerized accounting programs, a few archdioceses attempt to give greater
scrutiny to parish budgets and reports. For example, the budget projections can
be compared with the financial figures from previous years to pick out large
increases or decreases. A parish budget can also be compared with budgets from
similar parishes so that unusual expenditures can be found. In St. Louis, the
director of finance hopes to use a new accounting system to compare heating
bills. "If it is out of whack, look at it," he says. "Find out where the leak
is."
Newark developed an
accounting system to oversee parish finances. The director of finances explains
the system he set up:
First we had to make
sure that the information being submitted by the pastors had financial
credibility. Some pastors had been known to "forget" to report something now and
then, whether it be the candle money or something. We developed a uniform set of
financial reporting standards so that we could compare all parishes on the same
basis.
We then began to
accumulate data bases in the computer on all the parishes so we can compare your
last year's actual figures with this year's budget. [We would tell a pastor,]
"It is totally unrealistic that you are going to lose 50 percent of your Sunday
collections in one year. So let's correct the numbers and look at it
realistically."
As a result, we are
able to establish the reputation that no one is pulling any wool over our eyes,
and we start to get good data.
Archdiocesan review
is easier if the parish accounts are computerized in a format that is compatible
with the archdiocesan accounts. The Washington archdiocese, for between $8,000
and $10,000, will provide a system to a parish that includes hardware and
software for word processing, envelope accounting, financial accounting, and
census data. These are all compatible with the archdiocesan system so that the
parish can send in a diskette rather than a written report.
Some archdioceses
have not developed sophisticated parish accounting procedures because they do
not think that it is worth the effort. The Louisville archdiocesan controller
notes that some people
want to set up all
kinds of cost centers in a parish. That is a needless thing. Obviously, almost
all of your cost centers in the parish are losing propositions, that is the
nature of the game. You don't eliminate a CCD program because the fees aren't
covering it.
You have to determine
what apostolates and ministries the parish is going to be involved in on the
basis of something other than money. Then the total picture has to deal with
what resources are available.
Likewise in
Cincinnati, the director of finances questioned the value of closely
scrutinizing parish budgets.
Unless a parish gets
into trouble and asks us for help, we don't normally require a budget from them.
We would have to put on a lot more staff to look at their budgets. Even then,
from our remote position, it is difficult to determine whether budgetary items
are correct or not.
Church A may have
very high ceilings, so the budget for utilities might be unbelievable. Church B
may have low ceilings, only uses the church on certain days, and uses a convent
chapel on other days. Their utility costs may be unbelievably low. Yet both may
be accurate. It is impossible to know that from this remote location.
Sophisticated
accounting systems are expensive and need a well-trained parish and archdiocesan
staffs to implement them. These systems are usually opposed by pastors who see
them as bureaucratic impositions on their time and energy. The bishop will have
to expend political capital selling the system to the pastors, and many bishops
conclude that the money saved by such a system would not be worth the cost in
money, time, and popularity.
In some cases,
because of long years in office, the bishop or the finance officer knows more
about the parishes than could ever be put in a computer. The difficulty with
this personalistic system is that the information disappears when the individual
dies or retires. In Los Angeles, the finance officer, Monsignor Hawkes, was
practically a one-man operation. After his retirement and death, he was replaced
by about five professionals who had to build a system from scratch.
Archdiocesan Auditors
A few archdioceses
(Baltimore, Detroit, New Orleans, Philadelphia, Washington) have internal
auditors who check to make sure that the financial report reflects reality, but
this normally happens only when a parish gets into financial trouble or after a
new pastor is appointed. One auditor in Detroit says she found inadequately
prepared bookkeepers, improperly prepared financial reports, and even
embezzlements by unscrupulous bookkeepers.
After finding the
problems, the main task of the auditor is to educate the pastor and the staff.
She recalls, "It was a matter of working with the pastor, so that he was much
more comfortable with the financial structure of his parish and the parish as it
related to the diocese."
Auditing parish books
goes against the grain in most dioceses. The St. Louis director of finances did
not think auditing parishes was a good idea.
I will never have an
auditor on the staff to go out and find something wrong in the parishes. That is
an adversarial relationship, they are there to find something wrong. I don't
think that is a good attitude.
Every pastor has his
own little cookie jar, some money put away for the rainy day. Everybody knows
it. Why have somebody go out and say, "Aha, we found the cookie jar." As long as
it is within reason it is OK.
In Chicago, the
director of administrative services began doing random audits of about 10
percent of the parishes each year. This did not last long.
A couple of the
pastors who I know pretty well said, "I understand why you are doing it, but
anyway you cut it, it comes across as an element of suspicion."
I found out that the
young auditors would find that somebody hadn't checked a bank reconciliation or
someone had presigned checks--venial sins at the most. They were never finding
loose money or anything significant, so I abandoned it. All it did was create
more work for the parishes, with also a little bit of the taste that they
weren't trusted.
On the other hand, if
there is a real problem or if the parishioners request an audit, he sends a
public accounting firm to do the job rather than use his own staff. "I like it
to be a dispassionate third party," he says. Nor does he use a large firm. "They
are full of young kids right out of college who can get eaten alive by a
sophisticated pastor who knows where to hide things." He would use middle-size
accounting firms with experience doing parish books. "They can't be fooled very
much because they are used to doing the books."
The most useful time
to look at parish finances is when a new pastor is appointed. "The new man has
the certainty that he is starting out with a verifiable set of books," explains
the controller in Philadelphia. The auditors can also help the new pastor who is
not responsible for the problems in his parish. The Detroit director of
finances, who has a staff of ten internal auditors to examine parish books,
explains:
We say to the new
pastor, "This is what is in your parish, and this is what should be. You did not
cause this; you are being asked to turn it around." We return in six to eight
weeks after the pastor has received the audit report to check where they are on
compliance. Then we send a memo to the regional bishop.
Permission to Spend
A very common
expenditure control mechanism is the requirement that a pastor get archdiocesan
approval for any construction, renovation, or contracts costing over a specified
amount, usually between $3,000 and $10,000. In some archdioceses, the archbishop
must sign any contract over a specified amount, for example, $10,000 in
Washington.
In many archdioceses,
the expenditure limit applies only to capital improvements. Recurring costs of
running a parish--salaries, utilities--are simply paid by the parish. "If they
want to build or remodel, they have to come in for approval," explains the
director of business affairs in Portland. "If they want to spend $40,000 a year
on religious education, or buy a new organ or a vehicle, there is no approval
needed. If they've got the money, they do it." Requiring the pastor to get
permission for capital expenditures not only controls expenses, it also controls
permanent alterations to the parish plant.
Some archdioceses
control not only how much is spent but how it is spent. In Los Angeles, if the
pastor got permission to spend money on a particular project, he would be told
what contractors or vendors he could use. In Dubuque, on the other hand, pastors
would not have to pay attention to the recommendations of the archdiocesan
finance office. "They are getting permission for the boiler, but we can't tell
them the quality," complains the finance officer. "Only with the advent of local
parish councils has there been any restraint on the local pastor who doesn't
know a BTU from a carrot."
But the major failure
of this control mechanism is that it gives no attention to one of the biggest
expenses of parishes: salaries. Thus a pastor might have to get permission to
buy a $5,000 computer but not to hire a $30,000 a year religious education
director. As dioceses get more sophisticated in reviewing parish budgets, this
control mechanism will become less important except for major parish projects.
Major Parish Projects
If a parish is
planning a major construction project, such as a new building or renovation, it
will have to get the approval of the archbishop. Approval is also necessary if
the parish is going to borrow money either from the archdiocese or from a bank.
Every archdiocese has
policies and procedures governing major building projects. In Oklahoma City,
Kansas City (KS), and St. Louis, for example, the parish must have 50 percent of
the funds necessary in hand before starting the project. The parish plans will
usually have to be reviewed and approved by an archdiocesan building committee
and by a liturgical committee if the construction involves a church. Their
recommendation will then go to the archbishop.
Depending on the
archdiocese, the preparatory work for the construction project would be done by
the parish or by the finance office. In the centralized approach, the proposal
is submitted to the chancery, and the finance office does most of the work in
analyzing its merits and feasibility. The finance office personnel, which might
include an architect and/or an engineer, draw up a plan to implement the
proposal, including contracts for competitive bidding. If the request is
approved, the finance office hires contractors for the parish and negotiates a
loan if necessary. Once construction is started, the finance office may even
have someone supervise the work.
In the decentralized
system, most of this has to be done at the parish level, although archdiocesan
approval will always be necessary. The finance office in St. Paul meets with the
pastor, the architect, and the chair of the parish building and finance
committees.
Prior to their
coming, I ask that they have a basic floor plan, a sketch of the building, and a
ten-year spread sheet on how they are going to be able to handle this additional
debt and operating costs while at the same time maintaining their present
programs.
This has two great
advantages. Number one, it indicates to us whether or not that parish will be
able to handle it. Number two, since they have gone through the process, it is
their program, not one we have imposed on them. Therefore, they can get a great
deal of ownership.
Our bottom line is,
show us you can do what you propose then we will give the permission.
While I was visiting
St. Paul, one parish dropped its church renovation plan because its ten-year
spread sheet projected an unrealistically heavy burden for the parish. The
finance director did not have to say no, his system forced the parish to face
reality.
Cardinal John Krol in
Philadelphia had a more direct approach. In twenty-six years as archbishop, one
hundred new churches were built in Philadelphia, and he took an active role in
their planning. He explained how he dealt with one pastor:
One of the professors
from the seminary became a pastor, and he was like a little boy with a new toy.
He had ideas. He had an idea for classroom space. He was going to monkey around
with the old buildings, trying to make adjustments.
I said, "No. You want
to do all kinds of things and put up some more chicken coops over here.
Concentrate right now on one thing and have a fund drive. And what you are going
to do is put up a beautiful church at street level.
"You see the level of
the street? The ground falls, tapers down. So naturally the church will be at
this level, so that underneath, without excavation you have a big hall. You want
to have bingo, you want to have meetings, you want to have whatever. Concentrate
on that. You live in that old farm house as a rectory; the people will
appreciate that. But you do this.
"Now having done
that, you have a lot of place to work. The old church is convertible into
classrooms. You can tie this and you can tie that and what not. But now you have
a solid permanent building.
"Having that, because
of the inadequacy of that home of yours, when you pay off this or get into a
manageable financial condition, the rectory is the next project. And by that
time, you may have to replace some of those old buildings and classrooms. So you
put up nice new buildings."
Under a centralized
system, the archdiocese can encourage a pastor to do more, as in the above case,
or less. In the Los Angeles parish where I grew up, the chancery chopped one of
the church's towers out of the pastor's plan. Monsignor Hawkes of Los Angeles
explained, "We believe that the have's should help the have-not's. We do not
believe that a suburban parish should have sixteen classrooms when an inner-city
parish cannot afford or cannot have eight."
Often the archdiocese
has a building commission, composed of pastors and laypeople, that reviews
construction plans. In St. Louis, the director of the building commission tries
to control the height of new churches. "We try not to go higher than twenty-four
to twenty-eight feet from floor to ceiling because of energy costs," he says.
"You don't want to heat a fifty-five-foot building."
Sometimes the
building commission might encourage the pastor to think bigger than he is
proposing. For example, in St. Louis the building director recommended that a
parish build more classrooms than were requested by the pastor. "The area is
growing," he told the archbishop. "Why don't you suggest they build six instead
of four. Financially they can handle it." Sometimes the pastors think small
because they believe it will be easier to get archdiocesan approval and also
because they don't want to raise the money.
Bids and Contractors
For large
expenditures, the archdiocese will usually require that a parish take at least
three bids. Depending on the sophistication of the finance office, the bids
would be examined to see whether a more economical deal is available and whether
the contract protects the parish's interests. The building commission has "saved
immeasurable amounts of money by requiring bids," reports the chancellor for
administration of the archdiocese of New Orleans.
Frequently a pastor
says this parishioner will do it for this amount. "He wants to help the church."
We say, "That is wonderful. To make sure that he knows he is helping the church,
we will get two other bids." Surprising the number of times the parishioner's is
not low!
We had a recent case
of $10,000 to repair air conditioning. We sent a man down there. All it needed
was freon. Roofing, the same thing. Sometimes a variant of $20,000 to $30,000.
Some archdioceses,
like Los Angeles, limit certain types of work and purchases to specific
contractors or suppliers. While in Los Angeles, I witnessed one pastor being
chewed out by Monsignor Hawkes for having some parish volunteers paint the
inside of his church rather than using an approved contractor. Likewise, the
building director in St. Louis would try to talk pastors out of using certain
prize-winning architects. "They get the prize, but you pay for it," he says.
There are arguments
for and against archdiocesan control of parish expenses. The experience and
expertise available in the central finance office is almost always greater than
that available to a local pastor. In addition, the finance office can look out
for the good of the entire archdiocese. On the other hand, the central office
cannot know the needs and conditions of the local parish as well as the pastor
and the parish council. The ideal system draws on the strengths of all the
participants so that through consultation and dialogue a better result occurs
than if decisions were totally centralized or totally decentralized.
Archdiocesan Banking
Besides being
concerned about how parishes spend money, archdioceses also monitor what
parishes do with their savings. Most archdioceses have a system encouraging
parishes to deposit funds with the chancery. The archdiocese acts like a bank
and pays interest to the parishes on these funds.
Archdiocesan banking
is often adopted when an archdiocese faces severe financial difficulties. In
Louisville it started during the Depression when the banks took a holiday. They
refused to pay out money to depositors but demanded payment on loans to
parishes. Bishop John A. Floerish arranged to consolidate the deposits so that
he could pay off the loans.
Centralized
banking was implemented on a massive scale in the New York archdiocese under
Cardinal Spellman. When he arrived in 1939, he found that the archdiocese and
its parishes were $26 million in debt to New York banks./3
But while some parishes were in debt,
others had money on deposit in these same banks. By pooling together the
deposits of the solvent parishes under archdiocesan administration, he was able
to pay off the banks and internalize the debt.
More recently,
Archbishop Gerety established a central bank in Newark after he arrived and
found a $25 million debt. He made the program optional, but offered interest
rates and services to parishes that were competitive with local banks. In six
years deposits went from zero to $34 million.
A great variety of
archdiocesan policies and procedures govern these banking systems. Depositing
funds with the archdiocese is mandatory in some archdioceses (Baltimore,
Chicago, Cincinnati, Detroit, Los Angeles, New Orleans) and optional in others
(Atlanta, Omaha, Mobile, New York, Philadelphia, St. Paul). Some archdioceses
pay parishes a competitive rate of interest on their deposits, while others pay
them very little. They also vary on how much of the parish's funds have to be
deposited with the archdiocese.
In Los Angeles, for
example, all Sunday collections and other income are deposited in an
archdiocesan account in the name of the parish, which is paid 6 percent interest
on its deposits. Money is transferred to a parish checking account by the
archdiocese when it is needed.
In Chicago and San
Francisco, a parish is supposed to deposit "excess funds" with the archdiocese.
In Chicago, excess funds are defined as anything more than a month's operating
expenses. The archdiocese invests the funds and returns 60 percent of the
earnings to the depositors and keeps 40 percent for the archdiocese. Thus if the
investments earn 10 percent, the parishes get 6 percent.
In St. Paul, on the
other hand, the system is voluntary and no significant parish deposits are with
the archdiocese. Parishes have their own savings accounts and investments. The
director of finances in St. Paul explains:
Our parishes tend to
say, "This is ours." And so we don't get the sharing of surplus funds with which
we could do many things if we had them. We have encouraged it, but it has never
really come to be very much.
When the banking
system is not mandatory, it is difficult to attract deposits if a parish can get
a higher return elsewhere. In Portland, the director of business affairs notes,
"During 1981-83, we lost a lot of parishes because they could put it in 14
percent and 15 percent CD's" while the archdiocese was only paying 8 percent.
The vice chancellor
for finances in New York explains how he responded when parishes wanted to
withdraw their funds.
We went to the files
and found out that the parish over the years had been a borrower. So we wrote a
very nice letter saying that "it is not a bank, it is a reciprocal situation
whereby one parish helps another parish. You are probably not aware of the fact
that your parish in 1943 got a $240,000 loan and you only paid 3 or 4 percent
interest on that." That was the end of that.
Optional systems can
attract deposits if they offer competitive interest rates and service. The
Atlanta archdiocese received $5 million of deposits by paying parishes the same
rate that they would get from six-month Treasury notes, with the addition of
day-to-day liquidity. Newark also attracts parish deposits by offering
competitive interest rates and additional services such as NOW accounts and
investment management services. In addition, aggressive leadership of the
archbishop made clear where he wanted parishes to deposit their money. The
director of finances explains:
Archbishop Gerety
played a key role. The pastors don't know the staff, but they do know the
ordinary. Archbishop Gerety said, "I am the one who has to go out and deliver
this. If it is going to be successful, I am the one who is going to take all the
credit. I guess I've got to take the opposition too."
He called together a
pastors' meeting, and we introduced all of these programs. He talked about how
important this is for the current and future financial viability of the church
of Newark.
He was the one who
constantly kept reminding people. If he was somewhere, he would say, "How do you
like the program? You in the cash management program? You in the investment
management program?"
Despite promises to
the contrary, some pastors fear that they will not be able to get their money
back from the archdiocese when their parishes really need it. The Portland
director of business affairs reports, "There is still a perception that if they
deposit the money, we will steal it. Paranoia is out there."
Even in archdioceses
where the banking system is mandatory, sometimes pastors will hide the money.
Since few archdioceses have internal audit controls, this "nest egg" is usually
not found until the pastor dies or a new pastor is appointed. One director of
finances tells of a new pastor bringing him a briefcase containing $80,000 that
had been hidden in the rectory. "The old pastor was not trying to take care of
himself," he says. "He just wouldn't send it downtown, and he wouldn't trust
banks."
There are advantages
and disadvantages to such a banking system. Most prosperous parishes prefer the
decentralized system that gives them more control over their own finances. Some
argue that this power is necessary to develop a sense of local responsibility.
In addition, parishes can often get a better rate of return than is available
from the archdiocese. The fiscal officer of the Hartford archdiocese, which does
not have an internal bank, reports, "From the PR point of view, of keeping the
troops [pastors] happy, there is a big advantage to leaving the money on the
local level even though there are some investment advantages to pooling."
A centralized banking
system allows money to be handled more efficiently. With pooled funds, experts
can recommend better and more diversified investments than are available to
parishes. The higher yield from these investments can be used to support church
ministries.
Most importantly, the
money deposited with the archdiocese can be loaned out to parishes and other
archdiocesan agencies at lower rates than they would be able to get elsewhere.
The archdiocese thus replaces the bank as the middle person between parishes
with surpluses and parishes with debts. In Newark, the first $25,000 deposited
with the archdiocese was loaned to an inner-city parish so it could pay its bank
loan. The bank had charged 1.4 percent over prime for ten years and the parish
was never able to pay back any of the principal. Under the terms of the new
loan, the parish paid the same amount to the archdiocese, but that amount
included the amortization of the loan over a ten-year period.
How much interest an
archdiocese charges a borrowing parish varies tremendously. Archdioceses with
mandatory deposits and low interest payments to depositors loan money at the
lower rates of interest. In Los Angeles, borrowers were charged 5 percent rate,
while depositors were paid 6 percent even when commercial rates were three to
four times higher. In Milwaukee, on the other hand, the archdiocese charges one
point above the prime rate. Frequently, borrowing parishes will be charged 1
percent more than an archdiocese pays to parishes with deposits. This 1 percent
spread is supposed to cover administrative costs.
Some archdioceses
loan out to parishes all of the money on deposit. Others keep some in case a
parish wants its money back. The St. Louis archdiocese has $44 million on
deposit and $20 million loaned out. The rest is invested. On the other hand,
Dubuque actually loaned out $6 million to parishes while only having $3 million
on deposit from parishes. Normally the loans must be paid back within ten years
in order to make the money available to other parishes. In addition, says the
Detroit director of finance, "they will have another project in that time."
If the archdiocese
does not have enough money to loan, the parish will have to borrow from a bank
that might charge two or more points over the prime rate. By guaranteeing the
parish loan, the archdiocese can get from the bank a more favorable rate than a
parish would get on its own. "It is our cheapest way to assist them," explains
the St. Paul finance officer, "because we get favorable interest for them that
way." The archdiocese of Washington, for example, negotiated a line of credit
that was .5 percent under prime. But the result can be that the archdiocese is
guaranteeing millions of dollars in loans. "It looks staggering to see $20 to
$30 million that we are guaranteeing," admits the St. Paul finance officer. "But
we have gone over the finances of the parishes, so the risk is minimal."
New Parishes
Besides dealing with
renovations and existing expenses, growing archdioceses have to start and build
new parishes. Archdiocesan policies and procedures for opening a new parish are
aimed at ensuring its financial viability. In a poor archdiocese, getting funds
to start a parish would be up to the new pastor. But a better-off archdiocese
can come to the assistance of the new parish. In Los Angeles, Monsignor Hawkes
explained:
When we start a new
parish--we do one or two a year--the cardinal gives the parish the property.
Then we build what we think the place and the location needs. That would be a
rectory and a multipurpose building for a church. Half of the multipurpose
building might provide four classrooms, but it could also be used for Sunday
Masses.
What it usually costs
is $2 million, and the diocese gives the parish up to $1 million. That is the
only way the people can handle it. Five percent on $2 million is a large portion
of your collection for interest. It would be $100,000 a year, that's $2,000 a
Sunday. How can they do that and cover the maintenance and pay on the principal?
Services to Parishes
Large archdioceses
frequently have financial services that can help parishes. The archdiocese might
run benefit programs for parish employees (both lay and clerical), including
medical insurance, worker's compensation, and pensions. Archdiocesan attorneys
might be available to deal with legal questions. Larger archdioceses also might
have in-house consultants on energy conservation, construction, purchasing, or
other matters. Boston, for example, has a specialist on heating, while New
Orleans has a specialist on air conditioning. In Baltimore the archdiocese has a
professional consultant to help parishes with building and maintenance. If a
parish needs a new roof, boiler, or renovations, the consultant would write the
specifications and help them with bids.
Centralized
purchasing, for example, can achieve economies of scale through large purchases
or through providing suppliers with a large market by advertising through a
special newsletter. "On simple school furniture," explains Cardinal Krol of
Philadelphia, "we can get it at 40 percent of normal cost. That operation runs
on an average of $30 to $40 million, and all we charge is about a quarter of a
percent, which maintains the staff of buyers." Similarly, the archdiocese of
Washington reduced the per-unit cost of installing double-paned windows by
contracting for it on a large scale.
Insurance
During my interviews,
finance officers were especially concerned about insurance costs. Churches need
property, casualty, and liability insurance as well as health insurance for
their employees. Archdioceses normally have centralized insurance programs
rather than letting each parish buy its own. Insurance coverage is less
expensive when purchased at the archdiocesan level.
The cost of insurance
has skyrocketed in recent years. Archdioceses have experienced 100 to 500
percent increases in a single year while not being able to get the same amount
of coverage. In Cincinnati in a two-year period, the insurance premium went from
$600,000 a year to $1.3 million. "Last year [1985] we had a $10 million umbrella
that cost $18,750," reported the Atlanta finance officer. "The figure we were
quoted for renewal for only a $4 million umbrella was $80,000. Ten times per
million [dollars of coverage]!"
Liability insurance
recently has become a special problem. Sometimes no one is willing to insure an
archdiocese because of its involvement in schools, day care, and youth programs.
The archdiocese of San Francisco had trouble getting an insurance company to
cover its athletic programs. The finance officer explains:
We are in the
business, which is a highly risky business, of doing things with kids. We have
schools, summer camps, altar boys, buses, CCD, all these things where kids are
involved. Nationally, insurance claims where kids are involved are big, big
claims. You are getting huge sympathy verdicts out of juries. A kid can be
climbing on a slide in a playground and fall off and break a foot and it is a
$40,000 settlement. Those things add up. The church is a deep pocket, and they
go for it.
In response to
increased costs, finance directors are examining numerous options for insurance.
In Washington, DC, the archdiocese changed insurance companies when its provider
lowered the liability coverage from $50 million to $1 million. The new company
offered coverage up to $25 million but excluded coverage for child abuse,
trampolines, and numerous other things.
Archdioceses are also
doing risk assessments to see how they can limit their liability. The director
of business affairs in Portland explains some of the issues they are examining:
More and more people
want to use church facilities because other people have turned them down. We
want to be a good citizen, we want to be active in the community, support
things. But every time we let someone come in and use our facility, we open
ourselves up for lawsuits. If someone slips and falls, it is because a tile was
loose.
Ten years ago, nobody
would think of suing the church. Now we are the first ones they think of. We are
perceived as being wealthy.
Youth outings! You
heard about the accident on Mt. Hood [where students from an Episcopal school
were killed on a school sponsored outing]. We have youth ministers who like to
go on rafting trips and camping trips. They have school buses in the parish
which they take. Well, who is driving the school bus? Usually a volunteer or the
youth minister himself. Who is maintaining the school bus? For the most part it
sits there and is used spasmodically. What shape are the brakes in?
There is more concern
over the use of alcohol at parish events, wedding receptions. Oregon, like most
states, has cracked down on that, very tough laws. The liability has been
extended back to the source.
How do we deal with
all those issues? How can we transfer liability from us to someone else?
We will no longer
allow parishes to just rent a bus and insure it under our program. Now we say,
if you rent a bus, you also have to acquire the liability insurance through the
bus company. It is costing them $200, $250 for insurance. The parishes are all
upset. They are going to have to be upset; that is the real world.
Some archdioceses
have cut costs by no longer insuring old buildings at replacement cost. "We
would not want to rebuild it anyway," explains one finance officer. More and
more archdioceses are also going the self-insurance route. The general feeling
is that insurance company premiums include a percentage for profit and
administration. In addition, self-funded health insurance programs can be
designed with the church's needs in mind. "It is easy to say we disallow immoral
procedures," reports the Cincinnati director of financial services. On the other
hand, Cincinnati is generous in covering mental illness and chemical dependency.
"Our feeling is that that individual needs it worse than maybe anyone else."
Few archdioceses
would risk total self insurance. Frequently they will be self-insured for the
first $100,000 per fire or accident with reinsurance for higher amounts. Dubuque
is considering total self-insurance for property. Rather than buying insurance,
it would use the premiums from the parishes to build a reserve fund. For general
liability, the director only wants to buy coverage for anything over $700,000.
"We got $1 million worth of premiums a year," he explains, "and our average loss
in fifteen years is only $330,000." On the other hand, Dubuque closed down its
self-funded health insurance program for teachers and went to Blue Cross/Blue
Shield because it could reduce family premiums by $600 a year.
Helping the Poor Parishes
Most parishes are
self-supporting and don't need help from the archdiocese. Even a poor parish,
unless it has a school, can usually support itself until it needs a major
repair. If a parish is in trouble, the archdiocese will usually come to its
rescue. A number of archdioceses have programs to give financial aid to poor,
usually inner-city parishes and schools. The Los Angeles archdiocese, for
example, aids thirty-six parishes in meeting their operating expenses. Chicago
helps seventy parishes with $8.5 million annually, most of which goes to parish
schools. Philadelphia helps twenty-two parishes with $1.8 million. New York has
a similar $7 million program.
Often a committee of
pastors is responsible for reviewing the requests and dividing up the money.
This works well because the pastors are knowledgeable in parish finances and can
advise the parishes as well as give them money. In Miami, the committee will
visit the parish, review the plant and finances, and make recommendations on
what the archdiocese should do for the parish. "That is helpful to us," says the
Miami vicar for temporalities, "because it is not the central office making
decisions. It is local pastors on behalf of parishes. They identify the problems
and solutions."
Sometimes the
financial problems are caused by incompetent financial administration, but often
the parish is poor and the congregation is small. Inner-city parishes with large
old churches and few parishioners are financial losers. Likewise, an inner-city
parish with a school is frequently in trouble, especially if enrollment
declines.
But such programs are
possible only if the archdiocese has money to distribute. In dioceses where the
money is decentralized in the parishes, twinning of rich and poor parishes is
encouraged. Here a rich parish would help a poor parish directly rather than
through the diocese. The advantage of such a system is that it is personal and
can bring the parishioners directly in contact with each other. On the other
hand, it is also dependent on personal relationships between pastors, and the
money might not go where there is the greatest need.
Revenues for Archdiocesan Programs
Archdioceses run
other programs besides parishes: cemeteries, hospitals, high schools, social
services, seminaries, the chancery, and other agencies. Few programs are
self-supporting. Cemeteries can be money makers, but schools only partially
cover their costs through tuition. Some programs, such as social services, are
also able to get grants from governmental or private agencies. But most programs
need at least some money from the archdiocese. Getting revenue for archdiocesan
programs is essential if the archdiocese is going to be more than a collection
of independent parishes.
Archdiocesan revenues
mostly come from three sources: assessments on parishes, special collections in
parishes, and income from investments. Most of the revenue usually comes from
the parishes either through special collections or through assessments. Only a
few archdioceses (like Chicago, Los Angeles, New York) have significant
investment income from endowments created by past gifts. Sometimes no longer
needed property can be sold and turned into an endowment as recently happened in
Portland. If parish funds on deposit with the archdiocese are not loaned out,
they also are invested.
Almost every
archdiocese has an assessment or tax system that collects money from the
parishes./4 Sometimes referred to as the cathedraticum, its original purpose was
to support the bishop and his chancery. Some archdioceses have only one
assessment, while others have assessments for various purposes. Like any tax
system, the assessments are often complex and controversial. The assessment is
normally a percentage tax on income with consideration given for whether the
parish has a debt or a school.
The systems vary from
archdiocese to archdiocese. Many have complicated formulas for determining what
income is taxed at what rate. Income never includes tuition, but it may or may
not include things like bequests, investment income, special collections (that
the parish does not keep), and profits from fund-raising activities like bingo.
Most archdioceses have tax systems that are proportional--they tax all parishes
at the same rate. A few, like Washington, have tried progressive rates, which
tax the richer parishes at a higher rate.
For example, the Los
Angeles archdiocese assesses 1 percent of ordinary income. Ordinary income
excludes special collections, estates, and gifts of property or stocks. This is
the cathedraticum that "nowhere meets the cost of the chancery," according to
Monsignor Hawkes. In addition, he reported:
We assess the
ordinary income of the parish 3 percent for seminaries. They are subsidized in
excess of $1 million a year. And we assess our parishes 4 percent of ordinary
income to cover our 34 high schools. So our total assessment is 8 percent.
St. Paul in 1980-81
had a 7.5 percent assessment on income less $150 per student in the parish
school. In Newark, the calculation is a bit more complex. The maximum percentage
is 12 percent on total revenues. There is a reduction of 1 percent for a parish
school and a further reduction of 1 percent for a parish or school with a
mortgage. There is a 1 percent surcharge on investment income if the funds are
not in the archdiocesan investment management program.
One advantage of the
percentage formula is that as parish incomes go up each year, so does the
revenue for the archdiocese. A few archdioceses do not use percentage formulas
but simply assess each parish a set amount. Unless there is a process for
raising the amount each year, the archdiocese finds it difficult to keep up with
inflation.
The New Orleans
archdiocese has no assessment formula. Once the archdiocese decides how much
money must be collected, the individual assessments are set by a committee of
pastors who take into consideration parish income, expenses, debts, and other
factors. Archbishop Hannan explains, "The pastors know the capabilities of each
parish, they know their peers, though they argue with them."
Raising assessments
is as controversial in the church as raising taxes in civil society. Pastors are
practically always against raising assessments. The moderator of the curia in
St. Paul says the pastors "scream, yell, moan when you raise the allocation one
percentage point like we did this year. It went from 7.5 to 8.5 percent."
Archdiocesan Appeal
Besides the
assessment, most archdioceses also have one or more special collections in the
parishes. These archdiocesan appeals are structured in various ways. Often the
money collected through the appeal goes for social services, education, and
popular programs that have good fund-raising potential. Less glamorous programs,
like insurance, utilities, the finance office, the tribunal, and the chancery
office, are paid for by the assessment.
Sometimes there is
one big collection for a multitude of programs. St. Paul, for example, has an
archbishop's appeal that is collected on specified Sundays in the parishes. The
trend appears to be toward one multipurpose collection so that people are not "nickeled
and dimed to death." How this money is divided among archdiocesan agencies is an
important part of the budgetary process. Normally from year to year, there will
not be significant changes in the proportion going to the bigger programs like
education and Catholic Charities.
But some archdioceses
have separate collections for programs like the seminary, Catholic Charities,
Catholic education, etc. Specified collections are one way of letting
parishioners determine archdiocesan priorities. Cardinal Krol explains how he
let people in Philadelphia vote with their check books:
All our collections
are specified. We give the people an opportunity [to decide]; what we collect is
sent to that specific thing. It isn't necessary to make priorities because we
follow the policy of truth in advertising and respect the wishes of the donor.
If we ask for this, and they give it for this, then that's what it is supplied
to.
In some archdioceses,
the collection occurs on a specified day, and whatever is collected goes to the
archdiocese. In other archdioceses, the parishes are given a mandatory goal for
the appeal. If they don't reach it in the collection, the money will have to
come from other parish funds. If a parish goes over its goal, some archdioceses
allow them to keep all or some of the money, while others require that all the
money be sent to the chancery. Boston is unique in that neither the assessment
nor the appeal is mandatory. The Detroit and Washington archdioceses are unusual
in soliciting through direct mail campaigns.
Normally, the appeal
goals are changed only incrementally, usually by adjusting them for inflation.
"The individual goals of the parishes are done with a look at history and a look
at the financial ability of a particular parish," explains the Louisville
controller. "It is a seat of the pants thing." Raising appeal goals is not
popular with pastors. The St. Paul moderator of the curia reports:
The annual Catholic
appeal every year tries to raise the goal for every parish, especially those
that did very well last year. They raise hell, scream, yell, and moan and have
all kinds of appeal processes if they are not heard right.
In San Francisco, the
priests' council voted to freeze the archdiocesan appeal target for a year and
the archbishop reluctantly accepted their recommendation, which meant that many
budgets had to be cut. Both archbishops and pastors appear to be reluctant to
ask their people for more money. In addition, Bishop William McManus argues that
it is in professional fund-raisers' self-interest to set goals low so that they
are achievable./5 In any case, Catholics, in fact, contribute a smaller portion
of their income to their church than do Protestants and Jews./6
It is sometimes
argued that bishops act conservatively in order to please large contributors. In
fact, churches are primarily funded by small contributors. Large contributors
are more likely to give to hospitals, colleges, and cultural institutions than
to churches. Bishop McManus reports that "development directors in several
dioceses who responded to an inquiry of mine about their recently successful
fund-raising ventures all said that the local bishop's credibility--his openness
to suggestions, follow-through on commitments, and high visibility in the
diocese--is essential to enlist pastors' and parishioners' cooperation with a
diocesan fund drive."/7 In Seattle, officials note that contributions to the
archbishop's appeal continued to increase despite Archbishop Hunthausen's public
statements on peace and justice and his conflict with the Vatican.
Budgeting for Archdiocesan Programs
Most of the current
archbishops remember serving under bishops who operated without budgets. With
only a few archdiocesan agencies, the budgetary process was simple prior to the
1960s. When someone needed money, he asked the bishop, who would say yes or no
depending on his personal preferences and whether there was any money in the
bank. Often the bishop himself wrote the check.
Social services,
however, proliferated in the late 1960s and 1970s. The same period saw an
increase in the number of diocesan offices, many of which were devoted to goals
set by the Second Vatican Council: liturgical renewal, ecumenism, family life,
adult religious education, minority affairs, peace and justice, etc. Although
they raised some of their money from outside sources, these new agencies also
competed with the schools for archdiocesan money just at the time school costs
were increasing because of the replacement of low-salaried religious teachers
with more expensive lay teachers. In the 1980s lay ministries also entered the
competition for church funds.
Budgetary problems
arise because no archdiocese has unlimited resources and many have very limited
resources. Monsignor Hawkes, late vicar for finances in Los Angeles, put it
bluntly: "Any diocese can give to the People of God only what the People of God
can pay for." Although some archdioceses were run in the red in the past, today
no archbishop wants to have an unbalanced budget and that leads to conflict over
limited funds. The moderator of the curia in St. Paul reports, "The archbishop
worships fiscal accountability, which is not bad. A balanced budget, that's his
rule. They almost killed each other around here last year because the budget
committee couldn't get a balanced budget."
One of the early
steps in the budgetary process is projecting revenue. Since the archbishop
almost always demands a balanced budget, income projections determine the size
of the archdiocesan budget. Projecting income is more or less difficult
depending on whether appeal goals are mandatory and how assessments are
calculated. Normally all categories are adjusted upward slightly. Sometimes
income is conservatively projected to be the same as the previous year, which is
a informal way of providing for unforeseen contingencies. During a local or
national economic downturn, income projections may even be lowered because of
the fear that people will have less to give.
In Newark, some
expansions in the budget were made contingent on the achievement of fund-raising
goals. The director of finance tells an agency head, "Look, we achieved a goal
of $3 million last year. Given all the factors we will probably get $3.4
million, but we are not sure about the $400,000 increase." The programs covered
by increased revenues cannot be initiated until the revenues come in.
There is no easy way
to judge among the various requests for money. Hard choices have to be made if
the budget is to be balanced. Every archbishop and finance officer is looking
for the magic budgetary process that will guarantee the most efficient use of
church funds for the most important church priorities while at the same time
keeping everyone in the archdiocese happy. No one has found this magic formula,
which is not surprising since neither has any government or philanthropic
agency.
A few archdioceses
say that they have adopted budgeting systems that have been tried in the federal
government: PPBS (planning, programing, budgeting system used in the Johnson
administration), management by objectives (Nixon administration) or zero-based
budgeting (Carter administration). Many who do not have these systems wish they
did. Hardly any of the participants seem to know that these systems did not
produce miraculous results in Washington.
In the minds of most
archdiocesan officials, the ideal budgetary process begins with the drawing up
of a mission statement that establishes the priorities and goals of the
archdiocese. Once priorities are decided, they believe that the budgetary
process will be an easy calculation of the most efficient way of reaching these
goals. Agency heads will draw up their budgets with these goals in mind. They
will be reviewed by their supervisors and an archdiocesan budget committee that
will make recommendations to the archbishop.
The difficulty is
that these mission statements usually are abstract and general in tone. They
favor Catholic education, social justice, family life, youth ministry, care for
the elderly, concern for minorities, continuing education for priests, parish
renewal, adult education, etc. Any mission statement that does not cover all of
these bases would not be backed by a consensus in the archdiocese. As a result,
to the outsider, the mission statements are comparable to political party
platforms--a wish list without priorities.
To those who
participated in drawing up the mission statement, however, it has more meaning.
They know the politics behind each phrase, who pushed for it, who opposed it,
why it was changed, how much it was debated, how seriously it was considered by
those who adopted it. As a result, the process of drawing up a mission statement
is often more important than the product.
The archbishops
recognize that they cannot relax after the mission statement is written.
Archbishop Weakland of Milwaukee explains, "The budget process is the way in
which you take your vision and goals and try and make them concrete." But
translating the mission statement into budgetary terms is not easy. Archbishop
Roach of St. Paul notes, "Our `Five Year Vision' is more than just a piece of
paper. We work at that, very unevenly, but we do work at it."
In St. Paul, the
planning committee attempted to translate the mission statement into
quantifiable budgetary terms. The more often an agency was mentioned in the
five-year plan, the higher its priority. "It could mean as many as 10 percentage
points of annual budget," says the moderator of the curia. "Sounds as arbitrary
as hell, but that was one way they did it." One of the problems with this system
was that the tribunal, utilities, debt service, and other essentials not listed
in the vision document still had to be paid for. In Baltimore, in attempting to
quantify priorities, the archbishop's cabinet gave points to each program
depending on how they judged it on a series of criteria. The most humorous
result was that the archbishop's house came out as a low priority not to be
funded.
After the mission
statement is written, agencies are asked to submit with their budgets an
explanation of how their goals and objectives fit into the mission of the
archdiocese. They are also asked how their programs will fulfill their goals and
objectives. The director of planning in Louisville admits that the mission
statement is an umbrella designed to cover everything "we can or should be doing
in the diocese." It is in writing the objectives and programs of agencies that
things get concrete and restrictive. "It is not really the top, it is the bottom
that is important," he says.
Agency heads can find
this process threatening because it allows others to pass judgment on the
legitimacy of their work. In fact, there is little indication that these
processes have had major effects. The process is most beneficial to new
archbishops, new cabinet members, and budget committees because it helps them
learn what the agencies are doing or supposed to be doing. But here it is really
new leadership, with a new agenda, that is forcing change, rather than a budget
system. After a few years of this process, the production of goals and
objectives by agencies becomes routine. Old copies are pulled out of the files
and updated.
Budget Committee
Most archdioceses
have an agency budget first reviewed by the agency's board of directors if it
has one. Then it is reviewed by the director of the department the agency
reports to. Finally, an archdiocesan budget committee examines revenue
projections, agency budgets, and the total financial picture of the archdiocese.
Although the archbishop still has the last word, using a committee is perceived
as being more democratic and collegial. Sometimes the committee is composed of
chancery people, for example, the archbishop's cabinet. Chancery officials bring
expertise to examining the budget but also vested interests.
Some archbishops try
to get outsiders, both lay and clerical, to review the budgets. The logical
group under canon law would be the finance council, but usually its members are
chosen for their expertise as accountants, lawyers, and financiers, not for
their sensitivity to pastoral issues. In addition, they are usually too busy
with other financial issues (insurance, investments, real estate, construction,
audit) to give enough time to the budget. Often a separate budget committee
representing a better cross section of the archdiocese is preferred. The
committee might include members of the priests' council and laypersons and
religious from the archdiocesan pastoral council.
When an outside group
closely examines agency budgets and programs, conflict can arise. There can be a
gap "between all of the vested service people and the volunteers who are
supposedly exercising ecclesial oversight," explains the St. Paul moderator of
the curia. "There has to be a bridging between them, because historically we
have had two camps, and there is a lot of blood spilled between them."
If an archbishop does
not have the time or desire to examine each office budget in detail, the
recommendations of the budget committee carry great weight. In addition, if he
follows its recommendation, the committee can also take some of the blame if
people are unhappy with the final budget.
Archbishop Weakland
of Milwaukee explains how his budget committee works.
I have nine people on
the budget committee--six lay and three priests. The three priests are appointed
by the executive board of the priests' council and the other six, the lay
people, I appoint.
The delegates from
the various departments present their portion of the budget to this board. The
board then looks at each department's budget, looks at the composite budgets,
and then recommends to me what they think the income is going to be for the next
year.
[They point out] the
areas that they don't think are too solid, where they think some questioning
should be given. They give me the options where they think something will have
to be cut or money will have to be raised or whatever so as to balance the
budget. They end up giving me a pretty good account of what they think is
happening or could happen for the next year.
Percentage Increases and Cuts
When the budgets
submitted by the various agencies are totaled, they usually exceed the amount of
money available. In order to avoid this, some archdioceses simply instruct their
agencies not to increase their budgets more than a set percentage. The director
of business affairs in Portland admits, the budget process is "not very
sophisticated, mostly taking last year's budget and adjusting it for inflation
without much thought to what our priorities should be." In St. Paul, despite
attempts to use the vision statement for priorities and budgeting criteria,
spending increases in 1985 were simply limited to an across-the-board
percentage. "The projected income was such," explains the finance officer, "that
that was the only way we could have balanced the budget."
If agencies are
allowed to propose what they think they need, the total will always exceed the
income available. Then the proposed budgets must be cut. In Omaha, the finance
officer says,
We don't want to get
into the situation where we tell them, "Cut this program or that program." We
wait until after they submit their budgets and see how much the budgets add up
to. We see it is going to be short this much money, then we have to cut. Just
cut 1.5 percent.
This approach is
simpler to administer than examining each budget and deciding what to cut. It
also has the appearance of fairness since everyone is hurt equally. Archbishop
Gerety of Newark explains:
Deciding what to cut
in the budget is very difficult. So you just have to slice. We did it on an
across-the-board basis. Of course that caused a lot of problems, but
nevertheless we had to do it. You take the bull by the horns and say, "There is
so much pie; now you fellows go ahead and slice it up."
In a detailed review
of items in the budget, the archbishop and the budget committee exercise control
over what an agency does with its money. Under a block grant system, the
archbishop delegates to subordinates the decisions about how the money in their
agencies is used. They can expand one program and cut elsewhere. The directors,
rather than the archbishop or the budget committee, are forced to make the
difficult choices. "That is why you hire a director," explains the director of
planning in Louisville. If he chooses projects that are worthless, "he is going
to have egg on his face. If he is going in the wrong direction, then he or she
won't be around very long."
Cutting budgets is
very difficult. All agencies are doing or proposing worthwhile things, and all
have employees and constituents who will be hurt by the cuts. Since a high
proportion of the archdiocese's budget goes to salaries, any significant cut
must eliminate personnel. The preferred way of doing this is not to replace
someone when they retire or quit. In addition, reorganizations are sometimes
aimed at reducing duplication and saving money. But often cuts are aimed at
nonpersonnel expenses like travel, workshops, etc.
The Hard Choices
When the hard choices
have to be made, an archdiocese will first recognize that certain expenses are
simply unavoidable. In Newark, the archdiocesan finance office categorized
expense items by whether they were fixed or variable. Insurance, utilities, debt
service, contractual obligations, the archbishop, and auxiliaries were
considered fixed expenses. "You can't ask the bank to wait for two months,"
explains the finance officer. "If we want to expand, we can only expand after we
have absorbed fixed expenses."
Even in Washington
where there is an attempt to use zero-based budgeting, the process is applied
only to "optional" or new programs. "You can't zero base the tribunal," admits
the secretary for support services. "Canon law says there is going to be a
tribunal. The administrative budgets are those things that we consider to be
givens." In such a system, however, the debate is over what should stay for
close review. As the secretary for planning and management in Baltimore notes,
"It is hard to get agreement on what should stay and what shouldn't."
Second, there will be
a determination of salary increases that will eat up much of the increased
revenues. "Let's say our income goes up $1.5 million, and you give a raise,"
explains Bishop Robert Banks, vicar general of Boston. "The raise, depending on
what it is, is going to take about $500,000 to $750,000. So that leaves you very
little to fool around with."
Third, new programs
or expenses will get greater scrutiny than old programs. Often they will be cut
or postponed if the budget is tight. Cutting existing programs, firing existing
staff is more difficult than postponing hiring or major purchases, like a new
car.
Finally, when
existing programs are judged, a multitude of variables come into play. Attempts
to establish quantifiable criteria for judging programs have been unsuccessful.
"You have to do it by intuition," says the director of planning in Louisville.
As a professional planner, he admits that relying on intuition rather than
quantifiable criteria makes him uncomfortable. But trying to quantify everything
does not work either. "If you are going to get everything down in numbers and
add it up, get a computer," he says, "you don't need people." But people do not
find choices between programs easy to make. "You can spend more money in
Catholic Charities, or is Catholic education more important?" he notes. "There
is no answer. You have to look at what they are doing and not doing. What would
they do if you provided them more resources?" In fact, the proportion of funds
going to various ministries does not change radically from year to year.
Often an important
input for the archbishop in this intuitive decision is what he hears about a
program from important constituencies like the pastors. If they bad mouth the
program, he will decide the money is being wasted. Also important will be his
judgment of the program director. If he has the archbishop's confidence, his
program will not be cut but might expand. But expansion can also depend on the
availability of qualified personnel especially in smaller archdioceses. A
program might be desirable, but the archbishop will not fund it until the right
person is found to direct it. "That is where you bump your head most of the
time," says the director of planning in Louisville.
Paying Off a Debt
Some archbishops
found deficit spending and large debts when they arrived in their archdioceses.
"Any bishop who goes into a diocese which has serious financial problems is
terribly compromised," says Archbishop Hurley of Anchorage. "Until he gets that
under control the entire pastoral operation is in jeopardy. You run into the
factual problem of no money, then the necessity of getting money from the
locals."
Archbishop Gerety
found a $25.5 million debt in Newark. Cardinal Medeiros reportedly found a $50
to $80 million debt in Boston. For these archbishops, the first matter on their
agenda had to be paying off their debts. In Newark a number of high schools had
been built and not completely paid for. There were also heavy expenses in the
social service area. At the same time the archdiocese was losing wealthier
parishioners to the suburbs. In addition, there were rumors of financial
incompetence and mismanagement.
Archbishop Gerety's
first move, he says, was to form a finance committee of "people who know what
they are talking about" to assist him. Next, he had "to convince people that
what we were trying to do was something credible, that we were trying to put the
archdiocese on an even keel financially. We had to cut budgets, we had to
consolidate a bit. We had to negotiate with the banks, we had to convince the
banks that we could pay it off if they gave us a reasonable interest rate."
Newark's $25.5
million debt came due on January 1, 1984, at a time when interest rates were
very high. If the loan was renewed, the existing 7 percent interest rate would
more than double. The finance officer told the archbishop, "If we don't get that
principle down to a level we can manage, you will find that any new revenues you
generate will go to additional interest expenses" and "the banks would have
owned half the church in Newark."
The finance office
also negotiated with parishes that owed money to the archdiocese or the banks.
"We reached 172 agreements with parishes, addressing everything from past-due
assessments, self-insurance premiums, pension obligations, loans," reports the
finance officer. Some parishes were so poor or so heavily in debt that pastors
had given up hope. The archdiocese eventually wrote off $10 million in debts
owed it by parishes so that pastors could "see the light at the end of the
tunnel." Newark met the deadline by increasing revenues, reducing expenses, and
by internalizing the debt through its deposit and loan fund.
But sometimes an
archbishop is forced to go deeper in debt. Archbishop Hannan was installed in
New Orleans in October 1965, shortly after Hurricane Betsy destroyed six
churches and badly damaged every other archdiocesan building. In addition, a
number of high schools were under construction.
"The first Christmas
I was here," Archbishop Hannan recalls, "the priest in charge of finances told
me that $1 million was due on January 1 on our indebtedness and we didn't have a
dime." He got the banks to give him sixty-day notes to cover that. "Then,
through the centralized financing, I paid back those sixty-day notes," he says.
"In order to complete these high schools we had to run the bank debt up to $37.5
million. That made a real big problem for the future, but that was the only
thing to do."
As the case of New
Orleans shows, debt was not always a bad thing. The debt that Archbishop Hannan
inherited from Archbishop Cody was at only 5 percent interest. When other
interest rates went up, the archdiocese wisely kept these loans as long as it
could.
Financial Restrictions on a Bishop
There are few
canonical restrictions on the power of a bishop over diocesan finances. Canon
law, which is the same for bishops and archbishops, aims at conserving the
patrimony of the diocese and at avoiding debilitating debts./8 Canon law
requires that the bishop get the approval of his finance committee before
alienating church property worth over $500,000. Alienation is a technical
term that means the transfer of the ownership of property from one person to
another. A sale of property is not an alienation unless the proceeds are
transferred to another person or institution. The alienation of property worth
over $1 million requires the approval of the Holy See.
In the strict sense,
alienation applies to real property and to funds invested for a specific purpose
by proper ecclesiastical authority or by the intention of the donor./9 On the
other hand, money, stocks, bonds, certificates of deposit, or other securities
not designated for a specific purpose do not come under the alienation rules.
Thus, by only "temporarily" assigning money to various funds or endowments, a
bishop can avoid the alienation rules if he later wants to withdraw the funds.
Canon law also
requires that the bishop obtain the approval of his finance council and college
of consultors for acts of "extraordinary administration." Extraordinary actions
have traditionally included "land purchases, construction of new buildings or
extensive repairs on old buildings, leasing or renting property for longer than
nine years, the opening of a cemetery, long-term investment of any kind of
capital, the establishment of a school or institution, and taking up special
collections."/10
Their approval would
also be needed for incurring indebtedness (without corresponding increases in
assets of the diocese) that exceeds $500,000. The Holy See's approval is needed
for indebtedness exceeding $1 million. But since most indebtedness does result
in an increase in diocesan assets, e.g., a new church or school, Vatican
approval is rarely needed for a loan unless it is to cover operating expenses.
The American bishops
consider seeking permission from Rome on financial matters to be impractical and
feel that the $1 million ceiling is too low. At the November 1985 meeting of the
NCCB, they recommended increasing the maximum amounts to $5 per capita of the
Catholic population of a diocese up to a ceiling of $5 million. They also asked
the Holy See to empower the pro-nuncio to allow expenditures beyond the maximum
limit when recourse to the Holy See is difficult. The Vatican considered the
recommendations were "inappropriate" and said no.
Other restraints on
episcopal financial power are financial disclosure and external audits. In 1984
about 70 percent of the dioceses made their financial reports public./11 Of
these published reports, 78 percent were done by CPA firms. Audited dioceses had
larger populations, revenues, and revenues per Catholic. The books of most
archdioceses are audited, and the audit and management letter are usually
reviewed by the finance committee.
The American
Institute of Certified Public Accountants and the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops have recommended a set of accounting principles and reporting
practices for dioceses./12 Although there are some technical disagreements
between the two groups, both recommend the use of fund accounting and the
accrual basis for financial reporting. All "indicate that essential disclosure
information is to be found in the Balance Sheet, the Statement of Activity, the
Statement of Change in Fund Balance, the Statement of Change in Financial
Position, and the Footnotes."/13 One study found that on a 100-point scale,
dioceses scored 60.5 on disclosure./14 Interestingly, population size did not
affect disclosure scores. Dioceses using CPA firms had higher scores. Dioceses
experiencing financial stress also tend to disclose more to satisfy creditors
and donors. The Vatican Bank and PTL scandals are apt to encourage fuller
disclosure in the Catholic church.
Canon law does not
mandate external audits or specific reporting practices, but it does require a
diocese to "render an account to the faithful concerning the goods offered by
the faithful to the Church...."/15 Typically, the archdiocesan newspaper will
publish all or part of the audit. To most nonprofessionals it is unintelligible,
and it elicits few letters. But whenever the newspaper decides not to publish
the audit, letters come in asking what they are trying to hide. Further
confusion results from the fact that when an archdiocese has many corporations,
the financial report for the central offices does not give a total picture of
the financial condition of the archdiocese.
Conclusion
Every archbishop must
spend a good deal of his time on finances. Even in Los Angeles where finances
were delegated to a powerful vicar for finances, Cardinal Manning would have to
pay some attention to finances. "It is completely delegated [to me]," explained
Monsignor Hawkes, "but I do nothing of any magnitude that I do not advise him of
before I do it."
Decisions to build a
church or school, to sell or buy a large piece of property, to increase
salaries, to borrow money would all be brought to the archbishop. Frequently,
state law requires his signature for such actions. The annual budget, especially
major changes in expenditures for programs or services, would also come to him.
The archbishop might
de facto delegate many financial decisions to a finance director or to a budget
committee, but there is no question in anyone's mind that he has the authority
to make the decisions himself. Some archbishops delegate for theological
reasons--they believe in consultation and shared responsibility. They also
delegate because they want to spend their time doing something else. Often
delegation is a strategy to avoid the conflict that surrounds the scramble over
limited funds. It is easier to be a unifying force in the archdiocese if a
committee or finance director is blamed for making the unpopular financial
decisions.
But despite all the
financial problems faced by archbishops, most agree that finances are not their
biggest headache, it is personnel. Even financial problems are often symptomatic
of personnel problems. "You find out the problem is people not money," explains
the finance officer in New York. "If you got the people, money is secondary. If
they are innovative, take initiative.... Money that could be spent better is
shoring up personnel situations all over the lot." In the next chapter, the
archbishop's role in personnel will be examined.
Footnotes
1. Andrew Greeley and
William E. McManus, Catholic Contributions, Sociology and Policy
(Chicago: Thomas More Press, 1987), 2. Protestants give 2.2 percent of their
income or $580 a year.
2. Richard A.
Schoenherr and Eleanor P. Simpson, The Political Economy of Diocesan Advisory
Councils, Respondent Report No. 3 (Madison: Comparative Religious
Organization Studies, University of Wisconsin, July 14, 1978), 5.
3. James Gollin,
Worldly Goods (New York: Random House, 1971). John Cooney, The American
Pope: The Life and Times of Francis Cardinal Spellman (New York: Times
Books, 1984), 79, 95-97.
4. See Donald J. Frugé,
"Taxes in the Proposed Law," CLSA Proceedings 44 (October 18-21, 1982):
274-88. Donald J. Frugé, The Taxation Practices of United States Bishops in
Relation to the Authority of Bishops to Tax According to the Code of Canon Law
and Proposed Revisions, Canon Law Studies No. 506 (Washington, DC: Catholic
University of America, 1982), 100-133.
5. Greeley and
McManus, Catholic Contributions, 117-18.
6. Ibid., 2.
7. Ibid., 112.
8. Canons 492-94,
1254-1310.
9. John J. Myers,
"Book V: The Temporal Goods of the Church (cc. 1254-1310)" in The Code of
Canon Law: A Text and Commentary, ed. James A. Coriden, Thomas J. Green and
Donald E. Heintschel (New York, Paulist Press, 1985), 879. See also Jordan Hite,
T.O.R., "Church Law on Property and Contracts," Jurist 44 (1984):
117-133; Austin Bennett, "The Practical Effect on the Fiscal Administration of
Church Finances of Book Five: The Law Regarding Church Possessions," CLSA
Proceedings 42 (1980): 93-104; John J. Myers, "The Diocesan Fiscal Officer
and the Diocesan Finance Council," CLSA Proceedings 44 (1982): 181-188.
10. Myers, "Book V,"
874.
11. Thomas M. Rowe and
Gary A. Giroux, "Diocesan Financial Disclosure: A Quality Assessment,"
Journal of Accounting and Public Policy 5 (1986): 66.
12. National
Conference of Catholic Bishops, Diocesan Accounting and Financial Reporting
(Washington, DC: NCCB, 1971) and Accounting Principles and Reporting
Practices for Churches and Church-Related Organizations (Washington, DC:
NCCB, 1983). American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, Accounting
Principles and Reporting Practices for Certain Nonprofit Organizations,
Statement of Position 78-10 (New York, AICPA, 1978) and Audits of Certain
Nonprofit Organizations (New York: AICPA, 1981).
13. Rowe and Giroux,
"Diocesan Financial Disclosure," 64.
14. Ibid., 66.
15. Canon 1287 §2.
Chapter 6: Personnel
The biggest problem for any archbishop running a
diocese is to get the right people in the right place.
Archbishop Gerety
Priest personnel. Those are the most difficult,
the most delicate, the most sensitive decisions I have to make in the course of
the year.
Archbishop Salatka
The most important influence a bishop has over his
diocese is through the recruitment, training, and assignment of personnel to
parishes and diocesan agencies. Most archbishops and chancery officials agree
that personnel is their greatest concern. Dedicated and trained laypersons,
religious, and priests are necessary to the operation of an archdiocese. They
staff the parishes, schools, hospitals, and other archdiocesan institutions. If
the personnel are hardworking and creative, these institutions will flourish and
provide a structured basis for the religious and spiritual life of the people in
the archdiocese.
Although there is some support for a personnel
system that treats priests, religious, and lay employees the same, most dioceses
have different policies that apply to priests, religious, and lay employees.
Priests and religious, for example, usually are paid less than lay employees. In
the past, sisters were paid less than priests, although this injustice is
becoming less common.
Priests' Personnel
As far as the archbishops are concerned, the key
personnel issues relate to the diocesan priests. This is not to denigrate the
importance of the religious and laity, but simply to indicate that most of the
personnel issues that reach an archbishop concern his priests. Most lay and
religious employees of an archdiocese are hired by and report to someone other
than the archbishop--a pastor, a school principal, or the administrator of a
hospital or of another archdiocesan agency.
On the other hand, all diocesan priests are
assigned by the archbishop to their jobs whether it be in a parish or other
church institution. In addition, diocesan priests pledge obedience to the bishop
and his successor. Their commitment to the diocese is unqualified. Religious
normally can serve their orders in other dioceses, and a layperson can seek
employment elsewhere. Finally, if the priest has a personal problem, it can
become the concern of the bishop. As a result, bishops consider clergy personnel
issues special.
In dealing with priest personnel issues, bishops
and personnel directors are always trying to balance the good of the priest with
the good of the diocese. In a sense, the personnel problems and opportunities
faced by a bishop are similar to those faced by any family business. A family
business thrives on the dedication and enthusiasm of the family members who are
willing to work long hours at low pay. Dean Hoge, for example, found that
"Catholics pay much less for religious leadership than Protestants." He
estimates that "the institutional cost of a full-time priest averages $26,376 at
the local level plus $1,428 at the diocesan level (plus $1,039 for continuing
education)." The cost for Episcopalians would be "$45,005, followed by
Lutherans, $39,059, and Methodists, $35,308."/1 But in a family business you
don't fire Uncle Charlie because he could be replaced by someone more efficient.
The head of the family must simultaneously be concerned for the welfare of the
business and the members of the family, even when these conflict.
Similarly in the church, the bishop must be
concerned about the good of the parishes and also the good of the priests. The
dedication and commitment of the vast majority of the clergy gives life to the
church. But the less successful priests are not simply replaceable parts in a
machine. It is almost impossible for a bishop to fire a priest. And even if he
could, there is not a large pool of priests waiting to replace him. As one
archbishop explains, "By and large, you do the best you can with what you've got
to work with."
Priests' Personnel Office
Dealing with clergy personnel issues is considered
by church administrators as the most difficult job in an archdiocese. A
comprehensive personnel service would deal with recruitment, screening,
selection, assignment, training, development, evaluation, support, counseling,
crisis intervention, retirement, and termination./2 A large diocese might have
different people working full time on many of these functions, but in smaller
dioceses many functions would be performed by one person or by part-time
personnel. In most dioceses, for example, recruitment would be taken care of by
a part-time director of vocations. Training is done in seminaries either inside
or outside the diocese.
In the past, the archbishop usually dealt with
postseminary personnel issues directly, with the help of his priest secretary or
chancellor. Since Vatican II the number of priests helping a bishop with this
work has grown. Today most archdioceses will have a personnel board to help
advise the bishop on assignments. Large dioceses might also have a priests'
personnel director, vicar for clergy, director of continuing education, and
vicar for retired priests./3 In smaller dioceses some of these positions might
be held by one person or the jobs might be part time. In Milwaukee, Archbishop
Weakland considered the personnel office so important that he placed his two
auxiliary bishops in charge of it.
The National Association of Church Personnel
Administrators notes that in the business world a rule of thumb "is that one
personnel specialist should be on the staff for every 100 persons served."/4 By
such standards, church personnel offices are understaffed considering the large
numbers employed by an archdiocese.
The creation of personnel offices was
overwhelmingly supported by the priests in the mid-1960s./5 Confusion and
unrealistic expectations often are present when the creation of a priests'
personnel office is considered. Should the priests' personnel director be an
administrator, counselor, ombudsman, mediator, or all of the above? Some
confusion arises because the bishop and priests sometimes have different
expectations for people in the personnel office. For example, are they
representatives of the bishop to the priests or of the priests to the bishop? Or
both? "I have my own expectations of what I should be doing," reports one
personnel director. "The bishop has expectations of what I should be doing, and
every priest has expectations. At times there are unreal expectations placed on
us."
Bishops usually perceive the personnel director,
like his secular counterpart, as someone who can help the chief executive with
assignments and personnel problems. Often, however, the personnel office has
been created at the instigation of the priests' council because the council
feels the bishop is failing to hear the needs and desires of the priests. The
priests hope that a good personnel person can act as an intermediary between the
priests and the bishop. They may also want him to fulfill other roles. The vicar
for clergy in Hartford noted that besides being involved with assignments, "The
priests wanted the vicar to be a mediator, advocate, confidant, someone with
whom they could share their problems."
In fact, most personnel directors represent the
bishop to the priests, but they also conscientiously attempt to look out for the
needs of the priests. In all the archdioceses, it is clear that the personnel
director works for the bishop even in cases where the bishop allows the director
to be nominated by the priests. Even the elected personnel boards see their role
more as advising the bishop than as representing the priests.
In an effort to deal with the multiple personnel
roles, some archdioceses (Chicago, Newark, Milwaukee) distinguish between the
priests' personnel director, who deals with assignments, and the vicar for
clergy, who deals with priests' problems. Diocesan priests like this distinction
because they do not want the person who deals with their personal problems to
have anything to do with their assignments.
But even with this distinction, it is still unclear
whether the vicar for clergy should be a counselor helping the priests or an
authority figure intervening in the name of the bishop. As a result, they can be
caught between the expectations of the priests and the expectations of the
bishop if their job description is not clear. For example, how much of what the
priests tell the vicar can be passed on to the archbishop? In Chicago, the vicar
for priests would not pass on to the archbishop information without the priest's
consent if the priest came to him. But if the archbishop initiated the contact
because of his concern for the priest, then the priest is told that anything he
tells the vicar can be passed on to the archbishop.
Some people working in priests' personnel believe
that there is need for at least three persons: a counselor/advocate whose only
concern is the priest's welfare, a personnel director concerned about
assignments, and a vicar who challenges, evaluates, intervenes, or corrects
priests in the name of the bishop. Cardinal Hickey in Washington has his
chancellor deal with complaints about priests rather than his vicar for clergy
or priests' personnel director. "I would not give it to the secretary for parish
life or the secretary for clergy," he says. "I don't want to prejudice the
program or the secretary. I don't want his or her credibility chewed up."
On the other hand, priests are biased against any
bureaucracy that separates them from their bishop. In Cincinnati at a priests'
convocation the men appeared to favor an ombudsman, but when they were later
surveyed, the response was negative. "On further reflection they saw it
differently," explains the priests' personnel director. "It wouldn't help things
that much just sticking another person in the bureaucracy."
But in many dioceses, the priests' personnel
director has all these multiple and sometimes conflicting roles. Some of this is
inevitable because it reflects the multiple and sometimes conflicting roles of
the bishop, who must be simultaneously concerned with the good of his priests
and the diocese.
In any case, a priest dealing with personnel is a
man in the middle. It has been recommended that he have skills in several
fields: theology and pastoral care, church teaching and policy, professional
personnel administration, and counseling and behavioral science./6 But most have
had little or no training in professional personnel administration or in
behavioral science. They tend to be pastoral men with interpersonal skills and
good judgment who are respected and trusted both by the bishop and their peers.
After they are appointed, they get on-the-job training.
Many have found the job very burdensome. Sister
Christine Matthews, O.P., director of the National Association of Church
Personnel Administrators, reports:
The personnel directors know it all [the virtues
and vices of the priests]. They find it a tremendous burden. They find that
their relationships with the other priests changes. I have had one say to me, "I
am not invited to the same parties. The whole relationship changes. In six years
when this is over, I won't forget all of that stuff, and I will be treated the
same way."
One personnel director told how his appointment
affected his friendships among the clergy.
I have a priest who is a nervous wreck every time I
call. I am not calling except to talk to him about something else. I went by to
visit one day because I was nearby. He said, "Why are you here." "I just came to
say Hi." "Are you sure?" I said, "Yes, no ulterior motive at all." His term as
pastor is nearing its end, so he knows that one of these times I am going to
call for that reason.
On the other hand, many priests involved in
personnel work experience it as a fulfilling ministry. "I really enjoy the
opportunity to be pastor to priests," says Bishop Richard Sklba who is co-vicar
for clergy in Milwaukee. "There is something so gratifying about that pastoral
ministry. They are very good guys. Almost everybody is praying hard and working
hard. The chance to sit down and spend time together is very gratifying."
Despite the ideal of a comprehensive personnel
program, the primary concerns of priests' personnel directors are the assignment
of priests and crisis intervention. Most of their time is spent on assignments
and on priests with problems. Concern for continuing education often takes a
back seat to these primary concerns except where a person's sole responsibility
is to encourage priests to update their training. What has made all of these
personnel issues even more difficult is the shrinking of the personnel pool.
Shrinking Personnel Pool
The decline in the number of priests has church
administrators very concerned because it is making clergy personnel issues even
more difficult./7 The shortage of priests is only just beginning to affect the
church, but already 34 percent of Catholics have personally experienced a
shortage of parish priests./8 And it is going to get worse, much worse. One
national study estimates that there will be half the number of active priests in
the year 2000 as there were in the 1960s./9
Projections on the supply of priests are being done
in many archdioceses. Portland, for example, is projecting thirty to fifty
priestless parishes by the year 2000. Archbishop Whealon of Hartford reports, "I
had a study done by our insurance people that indicates that the 500-plus
priests that I had when I came here in 1969 is gradually being reduced so that
at the end of the century there will be 360 active priests. At the same time the
average age is going up steadily, relentlessly in fact. Priests are fewer,
older, having many health problems."
The impact of the shortage in the large urban
dioceses (Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Washington) has been lessened by the
large numbers of priest students or teachers at educational institutions who
help on Sundays. But even in the large urban dioceses, the effects of the
shortage are beginning to be felt as there are fewer associate pastors to help
in parishes.
"In the last nine months," explained the
Philadelphia chancellor in 1986, "we have had fifteen parishes where we could
not replace an assistant pastor when he was transferred. We have had a number of
priests forty-five and older suffering heart attacks and getting seriously ill.
Not so much burnout as unexpected heart attacks."
But some personnel directors do not consider the
shortage of priests their biggest problem. "My biggest problem," reports one
personnel director, "is that I have people I cannot place. They can't get along
with the staff at the parish; they have different ecclesial models of the church
or they won't fit in with the lay staff or lay participation. Of the sixty moves
this year, there were five or six I can't fit anywhere. I spend 80 percent of my
time on these." This problem is not simply with older priests. Some personnel
directors complain of newly ordained priests who did not fit in./10
Priests' Problems
Unassignable priests and priests with other
problems are a major concern of bishops and personnel directors. Bishops are
especially concerned about priests who leave the ministry or get in trouble. "I
can ride with almost everything except the priest not taking advantage of the
grace that's available to them and this leading to misdirectedness," said
Cardinal Krol of Philadelphia. "I can shake off almost anything, but when it
comes to things of that nature, you wake up at two o'clock in the morning, and
you have been thinking of it all night long."
Cardinal Manning of Los Angeles also admitted
worrying about similar problems at four o'clock in the morning. "That's when
they surface, the problems of personnel. Our Lord had his disciples around him,
and they had their problems, and Jacob had problems with his sons. Those are
probably the hardest things to reconcile."
Every archbishop's secretary told me that if a
priest telephones and wants to see the archbishop, he gets in as soon as
possible. "Any priest who calls can see the archbishop," says the secretary to
Archbishop Roach of St. Paul. "I will ask if it is an emergency or whether it
can wait. I don't ask for details, although they often give them to me. If it
can't wait, I will bounce a staff person, who can see the archbishop later, so
that he can see the priest." Archbishop Quinn gives to his priests the numbers
of the private lines that ring in his office and residence so that they can
reach him without going through a switchboard or secretary.
Most archbishops, even those who on the surface
seem gruff, have a reputation for being very good at dealing with a priest who
comes to him with a problem such as alcoholism, drugs, gambling, or a failure in
celibacy. One personnel director described his archbishop:
He is very formal, demanding, insists on 100
percent obedience. But if a man is in trouble in any way, any kind of trouble,
trouble with the law, drinking or drugs, women, boys, anything--he is the most
kindly, understanding, helpful man you would ever hope to have on your side.
If he can help you come to terms with whatever the
problem is and you come back to active ministry, then the whole thing is off the
record like it never happened. There is no grudge held, no "Well, we can't trust
him anymore." He is very fair.
The priest with serious moral or legal problems is
the rare exception. But when these problems do surface, they take a great deal
of the bishop's and personnel director's time. A number of personnel directors
felt that, at the time of this study, their work in this area was especially
high because they were dealing with problems that had been ignored by bishops in
the past. In any case, if the priest approaches the archbishop before there is a
public scandal, usually all can be forgiven and dealt with if the priest is
willing. Here the bishop is not an employer, but a father or the representative
of the forgiving Christ. If the priest reforms (and sometimes even if he does
not, as long as it does not become public), he can continue in his ministry.
Many archdioceses also have policies and procedures
for intervening to help priests with problems of substance abuse./11 Often the
intervention team is headed by priests who are already members of Alcoholics
Anonymous. In one archdiocese, the intervention team even talked to the
archbishop about his drinking problem.
Programs of counseling and therapy are offered and
willingly paid for by the bishop. A variety of treatment options are available
in larger archdioceses that would include AA, counseling, and treatment programs
such as Guest House, which specializes in alcoholic priests. Bishops willingly
spend money for treatment. In New York the personnel director says that any
decent program will cost $30,000. He says he has an open-ended budget for this
purpose. After treatment, it is common for a priest to return to his ministry.
The major exception today is in cases of child
abuse. In the past, because of ignorance, some bishops were lenient in dealing
with priests who sexually abused children. There was little understanding of the
problem as an illness and a crime or of the archdiocese's liability as an
employer. In 1986, however, a jury awarded $1 million in damages to the family
of an abused child which had to be paid by the diocese of Lafayette (LA) because
the bishop knew the priest had problems and moved him to another parish where he
abused more children. Additional payments were made to thirteen other families
in out of court settlements. Insurance companies quickly added an exclusion for
child abuse to their contracts with churches or at least placed a cap on their
liability.
Few bishops will risk that kind of liability in the
future. Bishops all across the country, under the guidance of their lawyers,
quickly established policies and procedures for reporting and dealing with
accusations of child abuse by any church employee. Some lawyers recommended
against dealing with the parents lest any sympathy or help be considered an
admission of responsibility. Stonewalling, however, often angered the parents
into the suits the lawyers were trying to avoid. Most dioceses found that the
parents are primarily concerned with getting help for their child and with
making sure no other child is abused. When the diocese is forthcoming, the
parents usually prefer not to sue lest further damage be done to the child. The
Christian response proved to be the smart response.
But getting evidence of child abuse if the children
or parents do not come forward is almost impossible. One personnel director
describes the problem:
When it blows, it blows all over the place. You
think there are two families, then forty families come out of the woods just
angry as heck. But you never have concrete data until something like that
happens. That is what is so bad about it. You got insinuations, you got kids
that will say, this might happen, nothing happened. You really don't know.
The kids are afraid for their parents, afraid of
being disloyal to the church or father. They are not going to say anything. We
had a kid who came back much later as an adult.
Today we don't know, but there are a lot of red
flags. How do you handle those without barging in and ruining somebody's
reputation? People find out in a hurry.
We have a couple of possibles, but you don't ever
have data on which to really act. We did take two out of circulation and put
them into counseling. There was no hard-core evidence, parents or anything, but
always insinuations that this happened or that happened.
Psychologically they are hard nuts to crack as far
as admitting any need for help. Both of these denied the whole works. I suppose
you get a little paranoid when you see a guy with a couple of servers on a trip
or in a car. It is dangerous.
Priest Morale
Although they take an inordinate amount of time,
priests with serious legal, moral, or psychological problems are the rare
exception. The bishop must also be concerned about the rest of his priests. A
major concern of the bishops since the early 1970s has been the morale of their
priests. Bishops worry about low morale because it is bad for the priests, bad
for the church, and bad for the bishop. Priests with low morale are unhappy,
they don't work so well, and they are less likely to support and follow the
leadership of their bishop. And they may leave the ministry.
In fact, the morale of priests is higher than
comparable American males who are married and much higher than unmarried
males./12 But low morale among any priests is a concern of bishops. The causes
of low morale are many./13 In the past, priest morale problems often centered
around conflicts with authoritarian bishops and, for associates, conflicts with
authoritarian pastors./14 The appointment of bishops sensitive to priests'
concerns under Archbishop Jadot did much to neutralize this area of conflict, so
that in 1985 only 9 percent of the diocesan clergy said relationship with their
bishop was a problem for them./15 New structures (personnel boards and priests'
councils) and new governance styles after Vatican II also have improved
relations between bishops and priests. Surveys have shown that priests'
"self-esteem, work satisfaction and morale all increased between 1970 and
1985."/16 But feelings of being overworked and lonely remained at the same level
as 1970. Recently, however, the appointment of more conservative bishops has led
some American priests to fear a return to authoritarian governance. These
bishops would more quickly step in to stop experimentation that goes beyond what
would be permitted by Rome.
Low morale is also caused by loneliness and the
desire to marry. Surveys have found that many priests favor optional celibacy,
but most recognize that this option will not be available in their lifetime.
Celibacy "is a real problem, especially as we have more priests living alone,"
says the executive secretary of the Chicago personnel board.
"Priests [are] working longer and longer days and
saying, `who really loves me, who really cares about me, or what kind of
relationships do I have that really matter?'"
The numbers of men leaving the priesthood and the
decline in the number of vocations is also troubling to priests./17 The same
Chicago priest notes:
The same number of people [about 9 per year in
Chicago] have taken leaves of absence in the last few years, but the quality has
changed. In the past, guys would take leaves and you kind of say, "I always
thought that would happen. It was obvious that he was not happy; he is
struggling with a lot of stuff."
But this year, some of the really best priests have
taken leaves of absences. People I really respect; this is really what a priest
is. And he says, `I want to take a leave of absence.' That has been very, very
hard.
The bishops find this depressing also. "The hardest
thing of all is when a priest is leaving," reports Cardinal Hickey of
Washington. "I mean, I die a little bit every time. It just saddens me to see
this man in whom there is so much promise and so much hope. If it were a
thoroughly bad person...but that's so rare. When you see a man leave, you just
say, `Did I fail him? Did the church fail him? What happened here?' That's my
greatest sorrow."
Recent media attention to pedophilia and
homosexuality among the clergy have also contributed to low morale.
Priests' morale is also affected by changing
concepts of what it means to be a priest today and by their lifestyle and work.
The identity and roles of priests prior to Vatican II were fairly clear and
stable. Priests in the past normally lived in a milieu where they received the
unquestioning respect and reverence of their parishioners. They administered the
sacraments from the church to which people came. The pastor was boss. He knew
what was good for his people, and they accepted his leadership. He had a
theology that was unquestioned.
Today, the role of the pastor is not clear, because
it has changed and is still evolving. While survey data does not support the
notion that priests lack a clear idea of what a priest is or have been
negatively affected by theological change in the concept of priesthood,/18 the
practical implementations of these ideas may be more problematic. How is he
supposed to be a leader and at the same time a member of a team? Is he a teacher
or a coordinator of ministries? Is he supposed to minister to parishioners or
facilitate ministers who do that? And what is the role of the associate pastor
in all this?/19 Is his time being wasted in administration? Should he be
involved in the school or religious education program? Is he supposed to be
sympathetic or prophetic? Should he spend his time in one-on-one counseling or
dealing with large groups? Which groups in the parish should he reach out
to--school children, teenagers, young singles, engaged, newly married, families
in crisis, the sick, elderly, grieving, dying, blacks, Hispanics, ethnics,
Yuppies, churched, unchurched, Protestants, Jews, altar guild, Boy Scouts, Girl
Scouts, altar servers, St. Vincent de Paul Society, athletes, the poor,
unemployed, homeless, drug addicts, abused women? Since he cannot do everything,
how should he budget his time and energies? And how does he say no to those he
cannot serve?
Today, the pastor must deal with a parish council,
questioning parishioners, and expectations that he be all things to all persons.
And all of this is happening at the same time priests' numbers are fewer and
their average age is rising. In Chicago, "there is a growing concern over the
huge parishes that we have," says a priest working in personnel. "What does it
mean when there is just one priest or two priests to run that? You have a
funeral every day, three or four weddings on Saturday. How do you revive
yourself, keep yourself alive and alert in that kind of situation?" Between 1970
and 1985, the number of priests complaining of too much work increased slightly
(9 to 11 percent) as did the number complaining of unrealistic demands and
expectations of lay people (8 to 16 percent)./20 This is especially true of
younger priests.
While few priests want to go back to the old ways,
many experience frustrations their predecessors never dreamed of. Not
infrequently they suffer from burnout and stress./21 Part of this stress comes
from the inability to have a private life. The expectation is that priests are
always on duty. In addition, parish rectories have become less homes for the
priests than offices and meeting places for parish activities. Some would prefer
to live elsewhere. "Priests under forty are finding it intolerable," explains
the personnel director in Chicago. "They live in public buildings. It is living
above the store, and they can't stand it anymore. They are not with people they
want to live with. It offers neither privacy nor community."
Their morale will be especially low if they think
those in authority do not understand or appreciate their problems./22 A number
of priests dealing with personnel expressed shock at the pope's speech in France
declaring that the priests' identity crisis was over. "I feel really bitter
about those kinds of statements coming out of Rome," says one priest. "I have
felt so much of the personal pain of really good men who have tried so hard to
do a good job, and I see what they are going through. And then to hear that
there is no crisis, that is really bad."
Another personnel director says, "What the pope
said is just absurd. I am stunned by that remark, because it is just so
ignorant. Diocesan priests, we have no idea what our charism is. How we fit in.
The morale is abysmal. Bishops are denying it, or they are paralyzed by it. You
have some one like the pope saying that it is all over. That is idiotic. Just
idiotic. He is just poorly informed."
Some archbishops, especially older ones, admit that
they were not sensitive to priests' problems. They grew up in the Depression and
the Second World War; they were used to a life of obedience and sacrifice. When
they faced problems, they gritted their teeth and bore it. They also began their
ministry in a time when most questions had a simple answer. They enjoyed being
priests, were successful, and reached the top of their profession.
As a result, some, such as Archbishops Donnellan
and Whealon, did not realize until late in their careers how important it was to
work at improving priests' morale.
Archbishop Donnellan of Atlanta explained:
I grew up in a tradition that said, "Here I am
Lord, send me." I found the priesthood a wonderfully happy experience, and my
classmates have been very close to one another and supported one another so that
I was probably not sensitive enough to stress.
I am inclined to say, "Hey, look, the average guy
out there with a wife and children and a job has more stress in a week than we
have in a month." There is a lot of truth to that, but just because you don't
feel that much stress, doesn't mean that it isn't there for other people. Maybe
that is an area that I should have been more sensitive to.
Likewise, Archbishop Whealon of Hartford at the
conclusion of a 1985 Emmaus, a renewal program for priests, confessed in his
homily:
The major lesson which I take from Emmaus is the
need, in the 1980s, to affirm priests. That may sound to you younger men like a
self-evident truth. Let me explain to you why this is something new. The
training of my generation was not to work for or expect human praise. Priests
did their best, for Christ and the church, and were not singled out for praise
by either their bishop or their fellow priests.
But I now see this situation as not good, because
in the 1980s a brother can feel unsupported, isolated, not understood. A bishop
needs to be available to his priests, to encourage and thank and love and affirm
them. If a bishop only says thanks to his priestly co-workers and encourages
them, he has spent a good day. But how to do that, with knowledge and sincerity
and without deflating the value of words of gratitude--that is a challenge./23
A similar admission was made by Archbishop Weakland
of Milwaukee. As a Benedictine, "I thought that the diocesan priests liked that
individualism. `Don't touch me, let me alone, let me do my own thing.' I didn't
understand soon enough the enormous amount of strokes they need and the care
they need. So I mishandled the priests for a few years."
How a bishop is to relate to his priests is a
complex problem. He is both their boss and brother. The old style bishop was
aloof and clearly the boss. Some bishops avoid having friends among their
priests lest they be accused of favoritism or cronyism. Despite his desire to
affirm priests, for example, Archbishop Whealon would not attend dinners in
honor of priests--"You would have to go to all of them."
Archbishops have tried a number of strategies and
programs for improving morale and communications with their priests. Archbishop
Whealon was one of the first bishops to support team ministries in the parishes
and his primary motivation was improving the morale of younger priests who were
not pastors. Workshops and sabbaticals and other forms of continuing education
are also seen as helpful in aiding priests' morale and ministry./24 The Emmaus
program tries to help the priests' spiritual development and to foster a feeling
of solidarity among the priests. In Hartford, three groups of priests did this
program, and the archbishop went through the program with all three groups.
Another program, "Ministry to Priests," was used in New Orleans, and again the
archbishop attended each one.
To improve communications between priests and their
archbishop, the Chicago archdiocese had "overnights," jokingly referred to by
the priests as pajamas parties, which began at noon and went to noon the next
day. At these affairs Cardinal Bernardin invited a group of priests of varied
ages (e.g., everyone ordained in a year ending in five). The day involved a
"state of the diocese" address by the archbishop together with a no-holds-barred
question period. Discussions were also organized to improve communications
between priests of various ages. Time also was available for the priests to
simply relax together.
A strategy used frequently by bishops when they
first come to their dioceses is to go around to the deaneries or vicariates to
dialogue with their priests. Archbishop Quinn did this when he first came to San
Francisco as did Archbishops Levada of Portland and Law of Boston in their
archdioceses. Others have invited small groups of priests to lunch or dinner at
the archbishop's house so that they could talk informally.
In New York, Cardinal O'Connor late in 1986 decided
to set aside one day a week to see any priest who wanted to see him at his
residence. "I'll be available to priests all day long at the house," he
explained. "It will be like a barbershop. They can come without appointments."
Priests' morale involves many issues outside of the
bishop's control, but he can do much to improve it or make it worse. Sensitive
listening and sincere love and respect for his priests is essential. "A bishop's
relationship with his priests is all-important," comments one archbishop, "but
it is not all that easy to establish a level of trust or understanding [where
priests accept] a decision where you can't really share all the reasons for it.
A bishop can't do a thing without his priests. You shouldn't do things just to
please them, I guess if you wanted to you couldn't. But you should be honest
with them, open with them. If they ask a direct question, you give them a direct
answer, don't say, `That is none of your business.'"
Assignment of Priests
An area about which priests are especially
interested is the assignment of priests to parishes. The appointment of priests
to parishes and diocesan offices is a major preoccupation of bishops. "The
toughest thing about being a bishop," says Archbishop Sheehan of Omaha, "is
making the appointments." In making assignments, bishops want to take into
consideration the needs of the priests and the needs of the diocese. Balancing
these needs and getting the right man in the right job is the problem.
Another archbishop, for example, recalls the
trouble he had finding a priest secretary.
The first man I had as secretary was absolutely
hopeless. He was one of the most interesting fellows I ever met in my life, but
he was totally hopeless as a secretary. He just couldn't get himself organized,
but, boy, could he talk about philosophy or theology or Rahner or Schillebeeckx.
I used to love to ride with him, but he was hopeless.
Then I got another secretary to succeed him. But
here again he was a very fine pastor subsequently and a very wonderful priest.
But as secretary you cannot become emotionally involved in the people who are
calling you up all the time. They get hundreds of calls and people are
complaining about this and that. And this guy would be falling apart. So he went
on to better things. I named him a pastor.
Finally, after three tries I got the best secretary
in the world, just perfect for the job.
In order to help them put the right person in the
right spot, archbishops have set up various systems and procedures. Many have a
priests' personnel director who gathers information on the parishes and
interviews priests for various positions. But Archbishop May was reluctant to
appoint a full-time priest to personnel work in St. Louis:
I have dealt with personnel matters in three
different situations. I was director of the personnel board in Chicago, and then
worked on personnel in Mobile and here.
I'm concerned about expectations. Everybody feels
that this approach or having certain policies and having a personnel board is
going to create a situation in which everybody is going to be satisfied. They've
all been consulted, therefore, they're going to be in a place that is fulfilling
them, and so on.
You raise expectations, and then it will never,
never be that way. There's a greater disillusionment very often when you do all
those things and still there is a great deal of disappointment.
Chancery officials consider working on priests'
assignments to be the most thankless job in the diocese. It is impossible to
give everyone the assignment they want, and suspicions and complaints abound
among priests over personnel assignments. In response to these complaints, many
members would agree with Archbishop Hunthausen of Seattle: "It would be
important for every priest in the diocese to have a stint on the personnel board
so that they would know how hard it is. It is easy to stand out there and
criticize it."
Archbishops feel that priests will complain no
matter what the system is. A new priests' personnel director told this story
about a conversation with his archbishop:
[I said to the archbishop,] "I really want to run
this office in such a way that guys will have no complaint."
The archbishop laughed and roared, "Shame on you!"
I said, "What do you mean, `Shame on me'?"
"Shame on you, I thought you loved your priests!"
I said, "I do."
"Cripes," he said, "you want to take away their
number one pastime."
Personnel Board
Most archbishops have instituted an elected
personnel board (sometimes called committee, commission, or council), consisting
of about seven priests, to advise them on the assignment of priests. The
establishment of these boards often came in response to requests from the
priests, but how well they work depended on the style of the bishop./25 Most
bishops have come to depend heavily on these boards in the appointment process.
"All that used to be done by the bishop," explains Archbishop Kelly of
Louisville. "I don't know what else he could do; he could spend his whole life
doing that. What is more, I would make bad judgments if it was all up to me. The
priests' personnel board is the greatest invention of Vatican II."
The written procedures usually recognize that the
archbishop can bypass the board if he wants. "Anytime I want to I can bypass
this process and make an appointment," says Archbishop O'Meara of Indianapolis.
"But obviously, if I would do that very often, why have them? Implicit in that
is that you can do it, but you really won't."
A few archdioceses do not have elected personnel
boards, for example, Philadelphia (under Cardinal Krol), Newark (under
Archbishop Gerety), and Kansas City (under Archbishop Strecker). "Our priests
will take an appointment from the bishop," explains Cardinal Krol, "but if it's
[from] a personnel committee, they are resentful, they are cantankerous, they
complain." In Newark and Philadelphia, the auxiliary bishops acted as a
personnel board, meeting with the archbishop and the personnel staff. In Kansas
City, KS, the board is appointed by the archbishop.
Surveys have indicated that priests, in fact,
overwhelmingly favored personnel boards as early as the mid-1960s./26 Although
most priests like the idea of personnel boards, some priests bypass them,
especially in a small diocese. In Mobile the chairman of the personnel board
remarks:
Some priests say, "I made my promise to a bishop, I
didn't make it to a board, and I will deal with the bishop." A lot of guys when
they have to do with appointments, they talk to the bishop. Sometimes things get
settled that the board doesn't have a whole lot of definite input into. But this
is a small archdiocese, and after all, we are advisory. There is nothing iron
clad about our "rights."
Most priests prefer personnel boards to the old
assignment process that was totally dependent on the archbishop and his
appointed staff. The old system was attacked for being insensitive to the needs
of the priests and for being subject to cronyism.
Personnel boards are seen as being more democratic
and more sensitive to the views of the priests. In addition, if a priest does
not relate well to the priests' personnel director or the bishop, he can usually
find someone on the board he can talk to.
Personnel boards are usually elected directly by
the priests. Normally, each age group elects its own representative, but
sometimes the age group nominates candidates and the entire presbyterate votes
on all the candidates. In a few archdioceses (for example in Los Angeles, and
Indianapolis), the members are elected by the priests in particular geographical
areas.
The board members serve as volunteers while holding
down other full-time jobs. The staff work in a large diocese is done by a
full-time personnel director. In a small diocese it might be done by the
chairman of the board or by a chancery official who works part-time on
personnel.
The archbishops have found boards to be a good
source of advice. "We have a personnel board, elected by the priests, that is
simply fabulous," reports Archbishop Kucera of Dubuque. "I take no credit for it
because it was here when I arrived. It has done a tremendous job in being
sensitive to the needs of the priests and the parishes. Working with them is a
pleasure." Being new to the archdiocese and not knowing the priests, he found
the board especially helpful. "Listening to these people talk filled me in very
quickly," he explains. "It gave me a background on who's who, and the nuances
were much more easily viewed."
But even when the archbishop is from the
archdiocese, he usually finds the board helpful. "The personnel board certainly
has brought to me special dimensions of priests' capabilities and priests'
weaknesses when we are making appointments that I would not have had knowledge
of," explains Archbishop Lipscomb, a native of Mobile.
"Our job is to match the skills and abilities of
the priests with the needs of the parish and the diocese," explains the director
of personnel for the St. Paul archdiocese. In order to do that, the personnel
director and the board must have information on the parishes and the priests.
Desires of the Priests
In 1960, 50 percent of the pastors and 84 percent
of the curates said that they were "simply told to report" to their current
assignment without being consulted./27 Today, this would be atypical. What the
St. Paul personnel board does to gather information about the desires and needs
of the priests is more common:
In January we send out a letter asking the priests
if they want to move, if they want to be interviewed by the board, how they are
getting along with their pastor (or associate). About 80 percent of them answer
the questionnaire.
We first interview those who want a change, then
those who want to be interviewed simply to keep us informed about what is going
on. Then we look at those who did not answer the questionnaire, and, if we have
not interviewed them in three years, we do so.
Formally surveying the priests about their interest
in moving and the type of parish they are interested in helps personnel boards
match up the needs of the diocese with the desires of the priests. Some boards
also have interviews with the priests, although this is usually left to the
personnel director.
In Milwaukee the personnel office uses an interview
procedure constructed by Development Dimensions International to measure skills,
especially management skills, of the priests in order to match them up with the
right parish. For example, to examine a priest's staff leadership ability, the
office might ask him the following:
What approach do you use to work with the parish
council when one of its committees is to consider a new idea or policy? What
ways have you found to make your associate pastor or parish employees' jobs
easier and more rewarding? Tell me about the toughest groups in the parish that
you have had to get cooperation from, and what did you do to get that
cooperation? Can you think of a parish project or policy (not necessarily your
own) that was successfully implemented because of your efforts? What changes
have you tried to implement in your own area of responsibility as pastors, and
what have you done to get these changes underway?
The Milwaukee personnel director defends using an
interview procedure developed by business: "We look at pastors and priests as
managers of a lot of things. The skills required in any position are basically
the same. It is how you apply them. There is a set of questions for each skill
category. It basically measures behavior in given work situations."
Open Listing
In the past, a pastorate would become open if a
pastor died, retired, or moved. A pastor's death would be known to all the
priests, but often his retirement or transfer was kept secret by the chancery
until after a replacement had been found. Priests complained that this system
favored "insiders" or people with friends in the chancery. It did not treat
priests equally or fairly. In addition, this system was considered paternalistic
because it presumed that those in authority knew what was best for a man without
even asking him.
Now the trend has been towards open listing,
where all the priests of the diocese are informed of an opening through the
diocesan newspaper or through a special mailing from the chancery. Any priest
may apply for the position if he wishes. A financial and historical profile of
the parish is given to anyone interested in the parish so that he can decide
whether or not he wants to apply.
The first advantage of this process is that it
provides the bishop and personnel board with information on the specific desires
of the priests. They do not have to guess whether a priest would be willing to
go to a particular parish. Through the applications that they receive in
response to the open listing, they know which priests are interested in which
parishes.
Second, many personnel directors feel that open
listing treats priests as mature adults who should have something to say about
their lives. It requires that the priests take initiative rather than waiting to
be told what to do. "It has been psychologically healthy for priests to take
some responsibility for their own lives," explains a director, "instead of
sitting back and waiting to be recognized by authority. Obedience as a genuine
call to a difficult service is a very important spiritual part of our lives, but
the passive stuff that it frequently creates is very unhealthy."
Or as another personnel director says, "It is very
mature because it puts ownership on the men involved. You make your own bed, you
lie in it." The Louisville priests' personnel director notes that open listing
"takes some of the blame off of the board and the archbishop for making a
decision that affects their lives. Now the priests have to make a decision that
affects their lives or at least let us know which way they are thinking."
Some archdioceses (Atlanta, Baltimore,
Indianapolis, Kansas City, KS, Mobile, Philadelphia, San Francisco) do not have
open listing. Cardinal Krol of Philadelphia explains, "We don't advertise
vacancies. To me that is a kind of helpless leadership. I think you have to fill
places, and unpleasant places."
Some priests object to open listing in principle.
"Some of your better people, for spiritual reasons as well as psychological
reasons, feel they should not apply," explains the chairman of the Omaha
personnel board. "It is a matter of principle or just fear. Sometimes spiritual:
`If the Lord wants you to do it, the bishop will ask.' But how is the bishop
ever going to know if you don't say something?"
In some small dioceses there is fear that open
listing would be destructive to priestly camaraderie. The priests' personnel
director in Louisville says that the priests were reluctant to go to open
listing. "They are afraid of competition, afraid of dog-eat-dog type stuff." A
member of the personnel board in Kansas City, KS, reports:
We are a small archdiocese and guys know each other
pretty well. They all know resources are limited and the parishes are limited.
To pit guys--have them bid against each other for a parish--could end up being
pretty destructive.
But he admits that "some guys would like to know
that so-and-so is going to be moving, so they would know some other things might
be possible."
But even in those places without formal open
listing, a priest can still request an assignment if he knows about it, although
this was not common in Philadelphia. In Kansas City, a member of the personnel
board notes, "Obviously word gets around about some of the places that are going
to be open." In San Francisco, the personnel director explains, "The archbishop
has said that people can let him know if they are interested in a particular
opening, which means that we, in fact, have a modified open listing."
In places that have open listing, some priests just
tell the personnel director that they are open to a variety of assignments. The
Seattle personnel director reports:
We had a good number of priests who said, "Yeah, I
am interested in a move. I am not committed to any one particular parish. If you
see a place where you think I might be good, I want you to know I would be
willing to talk about it." That freed us up a lot.
Those dioceses that do not have open listing must
face the issue of when in the process a priest should be consulted about a
specific assignment. Everyone would agree that it is best to consult the priest
as soon as possible about his general preferences and needs. But when it comes
to asking him whether he would be interested in going to a particular parish,
the key question is, do you consult him before or after conferring with the
archbishop?
Some prefer to consult the man first. These
personnel directors see no reason to propose to the archbishop an assignment
that the priest is going to oppose. In addition, they feel that the archbishop
should know what the views of the priest are before he makes up his mind. If
this is the procedure followed, then the personnel director must stress to the
priest that no decision has been made and that other priests are being consulted
for the same position. On the other hand, some personnel directors prefer to get
tentative approval from the archbishop before approaching a priest. They do not
want to raise false expectations among the priests that may not be fulfilled.
One difficulty with this consultation is that
sometimes the appointment falls through. The Atlanta personnel director reports:
It can raise expectations. But it is made clear,
and all the priests know that it is only a feeler, only by way of trying to work
up a cohesive slate that will work all the way around. They know from past
observations that most of the time it doesn't work out the way they were first
approached.
A few weeks ago, we approached a young priest about
making him a pastor in a small church in the mountains. I called him, he was all
gung ho. Then something else happened that did not involve him at all, and we
ended up sending someone else. He may be disappointed, but I think it also
flattered him and encouraged him because he realized that even in spite of his
young age, he is needed and wanted. Obviously, there will be other offers.
Regional Vicars
Another problem of priests' assignments is how to
relate the work of the personnel board to the desires of the regional vicars,
especially if they are auxiliary bishops. The vicars want the best priests in
their regions and would oppose the appointment of a man who would cause
problems. As a result, there are fights among the vicars and fights between the
vicars and the personnel board over assignments. When there are disagreements,
the archbishop has to find a solution or choose sides.
In some archdioceses (Detroit, Miami, and
Washington) the regional bishops sit with the personnel boards and participate
in their deliberations. The personnel board chairman in Detroit reports that
this works well:
The role of the regional bishops is crucial because
they are the ones who are actually preparing for the meetings by looking at
their region and all their priests, meeting personally, individually with those
whose terms are due, getting a sense of what those priests are like, what their
own desires are, how they want to be assigned. It is based on that information
that we proceed in the assignment process.
The elected priest members of the board have equal
say with the bishops at the meetings. They will add or subtract. But what the
bishops do is very important. Plus they have the personal element too. They are
the ones who are in touch with these priests, to communicate that they did get
it or they didn't.
Problems are more frequent where the bishops do not
sit in on the personnel board meeting. In one such archdiocese, a regional
bishop questioned the appointment of a priest in his region. When the personnel
board made the recommendation anyway, he asked, "What is the point in asking
us?" The appointment was then put on hold so the auxiliary could review the
matter. When the priest asked the personnel director why the decision was taking
so long, he was told the vicar had some problems with the appointment. At this
the auxiliary exploded and complained to the archbishop, who agreed that the
priest should not have been told this since it would cause resentment against
the vicar under whom the priest would have to work if the appointment did go
through.
Confidentiality
This example raises the question of how much
secrecy should surround personnel decisions. Personnel boards have been
criticized by some as incapable of keeping secrets. Archbishop Gerety, when he
was bishop of Portland, Maine, heard in casual conversation in a rectory the
results of the personnel board meeting he had attended earlier that day.
Most boards brag that there are no leaks. One
director noted, "You got some guys out there who are good at guessing. Many
times they come up with the right answer, and everyone thinks that somebody must
have leaked it."
Another director agreed that often the guesses are
on target:
I go home, and one of the associates where I live
tells me what we did that day. Often he is either on target or a step ahead. I
tell the priests, "I listen closely to the rumors so that we know what to do in
the personnel board, because you guys are spending all this energy thinking it
up, we might as well take full advantage of it."
Everyone would agree that a priest's personal
reputation should be protected in the process, but how much does he have a right
to know about who opposed his appointment and why? Most boards keep their
internal discussions confidential and tell the man that it is the decision of
the board as a whole. But as will be explained later, boards have difficulties
explaining why a priest did not get a position.
Many times a pastor wants it kept confidential that
he is applying for a new parish. Problems can arise if a priest's parishioners
find out that he has applied for another parish--"Why do you want to leave
us?"--especially if he does not get the new post. "The man wants to move but
doesn't want to put his parish up for open listing until he knows what he is
getting," reports the chairman of the Omaha personnel board. "You are in a
catch-22. You know that, if you open list his place, you would get all kinds of
movement, but you can't do it. We had two of those this year. If you could just
get the movement started, you open up a lot of things for a lot of people."
Some priests, after getting a new post, prefer to
blame the archbishop for their move. "He gets up in the pulpit and says, `I
really don't want to leave, but the archbishop says I have to,'" says the
chairman of the Omaha personnel board, "when the buzzard really asked for a
change. Then we get all kinds of letters. You can't say he is a liar."
In another archdiocese, the archbishop was rather
philosophical about being blamed.
A pastor wrote twice and said, "I might be ready
for a change." But when it came time to speak to the people, "Well, the bishop
wanted me to move."
The bishop must be willing to take full
responsibility for the unpopular decision. That just goes with being the top
authority.
If we want to have the authority that enables us to
make decisions, even unilateral decisions on occasion, we also have to be
willing to accept that perception on the part of the people when you cannot
explain all of the reasons that you do what you do. There are times when you
have to exert it that way, so we can't play the game both ways.
Secrecy breaks down when the priests begin to be
consulted about specific assignments. "Once you start feeling these guys out,
then there is no more secrecy," explains the personnel director in Atlanta.
"Everybody then knows probably who is going where. Of course, they usually get
it wrong. Within twenty-four hours everybody knows what the board is proposing,
but they never know why."
Presence of the Archbishop
Another debated issue is whether the archbishop
should sit in on the meetings of the personnel board. Whether he does or not
depends primarily on his own inclinations, but there are disagreements over
which is the best policy. Some people argue that he should not participate so
that he can act on appeals from priests who disagree with the board. If he
participated in the decision, it would be more difficult for him to be an
unbiased judge of an appeal.
Many board members, on the other hand, believe that
they can act more efficiently with the bishop present. In Washington, the
archbishop and his auxiliaries began meeting with the personnel board in
December of 1985. The personnel director reports:
Before, we would meet and we would make
recommendations, memos would go to the archbishop and the auxiliaries. Maybe
three days or a week would go by, and then we would find out, "No, we are not
happy with this suggestion."
By meeting with them, if there is anything that
they know that would preclude a certain appointment, we hear it right away. We
have done in three hours what would have normally taken us two or three weeks to
finally clarify.
One archbishop tried not meeting with the board for
a couple of months but found that unsatisfactory. "I felt the need to find out
why they were presenting this man for that job or that parish," he says. "I
would have to go ask the board and go over these suggestions. I felt that I
would be better served if I were part of the discussion so that I would know
exactly why they were proposing this person for that location."
The level of participation by archbishops at the
meetings varies. Some take an active role and influence the outcome by their
questions, comments, and proposals. Others are less active and let the board or
the personnel director take the initiative. In describing Archbishop O'Meara's
style, the personnel director in Indianapolis reports, "Normally he tries to sit
back and listen and let us come to consensus. But if we are going in a direction
he is not going to be able to live with, he jumps in. He doesn't feel it is fair
to let us agonize over these things when he knows it will not go. He makes an
effort to stay out of the discussions until we have come to a consensus."
Sometimes the bishop takes a leadership role and
the board reacts to his suggestions. This is common in small dioceses. The
chairman of the personnel board in Mobile notes:
Technically, the board handles all the spade work
and comes up with a name or two. That is the theory. But in practice very often
the initial recommendation of somebody for a particular parish may come from the
top [the archbishop]. It is brought to the board and the indication is that this
is what the top wants. Unless some real powerful objections can be raised, that
ends up being what it is.
It is not like he comes to the well to take water
out; he knows what he wants before he gets there. We are a very small
archdiocese, and very often he will know some of the people better than the
board.
If the archbishop meets with the committee, he can
hear their deliberations and know the reasons behind their recommendations. He
can respond immediately with questions and comments. "We meet with each other
and we change each other's minds," says Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile,
explaining the process. Sometimes, as in Atlanta, the archbishop will attend
part of the meeting. "They meet for about two hours," explained Archbishop
Donnellan, "and they call me in, and we go over what they have been meeting
about."
Attending personnel board meetings is difficult but
important work according to Archbishop Hunthausen of Seattle:
It's time consuming. It is very, very frustrating,
and it's hard work. I don't find it easy to deal with the lives of other people.
We are so restricted in what we are able to do. You have so many priests and so
many appointments and so many needs. And to try to put the right person in the
right place, it's a struggle. It's never easy, and it's never absolutely ideal.
Is it important that I go to that? Yes, I think it
is. The only other way is to let them struggle and to come back to me with a
package, and then I say yes or no to it. I would be hard pressed to say no to
anything that came back unless it was a glaring something or other there. If
that were so, I would feel the responsibility of pointing out quite at length to
the personnel board that had worked so hard why I would want it to be different.
So I feel the need to be part of it.
Some archbishops do not attend the personnel
meetings because they don't like that kind of work. Others fear that their
presence might be overpowering. "I just think they act better without me," says
one archbishop. "I am an inhibiting presence here, not because of me [laughter],
but because my predecessors dealt with a strong hand here. If I sat in on such a
meeting I just know that they would feel that I was there to tell them what I
expected them to endorse. That is the last thing in the world I want."
When an archbishop is present, some board members
say they are uncertain whether the archbishop is sometimes playing the devil's
advocate or whether he is putting forward his true beliefs. It takes time for
board members to figure out the archbishop's style and just how hard they can
push him. One St. Louis member admitted, "At first I thought I would be
hesitant. Now if he says, `What about Fr. Jones going here?' I wouldn't hesitate
to say, `You can't be serious. He has had a problem with this, this, and this.'
I never thought I would do that with the archbishop, but he never holds that
against you." Another member agreed, "He not only allows it, he welcomes it. He
enjoys being challenged. We had one member who was extremely outspoken."
In some archdioceses where the archbishop does not
attend the personnel board meetings, he meets with the personnel director before
the board meeting so that the director can bounce ideas off him before the
meeting. Archbishop Kelly of Louisville says, the personnel director
talks to me before they make their final
recommendation. He finds out what I think, but it is just another opinion. I
want them to make their judgment. That is very important to me. I don't think I
have ever overridden them on anything.
But sometimes when they were surfacing
possibilities, I would say "No, not that one and not that one and not that one.
He is having trouble." Or "He is too good for that," or something like that. So
they take those into account.
Similarly, the Atlanta director noted, "The
chairman has already spoken to the archbishop before the meeting. That is where
he would rule out the totally impossible or hopeless." Or as the Newark
personnel director put it, the archbishop "will let you know even before you
come to a meeting that he has some problems. The vicar general will say, `He is
having some problems with X as the first choice there.' So we back off or we
decide to build a case." Rarely is a board inclined to make a recommendation
that it feels the bishop will reject.
Assignment of Associates
In the assignment of priests, it is necessary to
distinguish between the assignment of associates and pastors. A newly ordained
priest hardly ever is appointed a pastor. He is usually assigned to a parish as
an associate or assistant pastor where he works with a pastor. Typically, the
associate assignments are all made at the same time in the spring. In the past,
having two or three associates in a parish was not uncommon, but today this is
becoming rare. Depending on the number of priests and parishes in a diocese, a
priest could remain an associate for one and a half (Santa Fe) to 25 years
(Boston).
Everyone involved in the process says that special
care is taken in the first assignment of a priest to get him a parish where he
will have a good working relationship with his pastor. Parishes with serious
conflicts among the parishioners or staff will not get a newly ordained priest.
"For newly ordained priests," explains the St. Paul personnel director, "we try
to find the best situations we can." "A good assignment," explains another
personnel director, "is one where there is a good community (or at least a
potential for it), a collaborative staff, and a pastor who is not an ogre."
Sometimes this involves moving the current
associate to a less desirable parish to make room for the newly ordained priest.
"We want the good parishes for new priests," explains the director of priests'
personnel in San Francisco, "so after a new priest has been there a few years,
we have to move him out to make room for another new priest." This reverse
seniority occurs because the archbishops and personnel people believe that a new
priest should have a good experience of his priesthood during his first years of
ministry. "We see this as an extension of their training," explains one
personnel director.
Part of this training also involves working in a
variety of situations. In some dioceses this could include working in the inner
city, suburbs, and rural areas. "We like to give them a variety of experience,"
explains the San Francisco personnel director, "so the associates move about
every three to five years."
In general, the fewer the number of associates, the
greater their voice in determining their assignments. In some archdioceses, an
associate has a virtual veto over his placement in a parish. Nor will an
associate be sent to a pastor who does not want him. Some associates would find
working for certain pastors intolerable, while some pastors would rather hire a
lay associate than get a priest who does not fit in. "We try not to put people
together who we think would have a conflict," explains the chairman of the
personnel board in Miami.
In the past, associates were simply assigned. But
many people feel that bad relations between pastors and associates led many
associates to leave the priesthood during the l960s and 1970s. In addition, with
so few associates today and so many parishes with openings, it is usually not
difficult finding one that wants him and that he likes. But one personnel
director complained, "We have people going to places where they are not needed,
where their skills are not being used. Before they had nothing to say, now they
have too much to say."
The solution to that problem in some dioceses is to
offer to associates only the parishes that really need help. For example, in
Chicago the placement office must approve the open listing of a parish for an
associate. "Every parish can't be on the open list," explains the executive
secretary of the personnel board. "Otherwise the forty most popular parishes
would just pick up another priest. If what the pastor is really saying is `I
need a youth minister, therefore I want an associate pastor,' we will suggest he
hire a youth minister."
One problem with this approach is that the least
attractive parishes tend to be those without money to hire lay ministers. Many
inner-city pastors want an associate because he is cheaper than a lay minister.
The Hispanic caucus in Chicago complained, for example, that the personnel board
was not doing enough to attract men to the Hispanic parishes. In addition, a
parish with a "bad" pastor is not going to attract a "good" associate, thus
leaving the parishioners with little recourse except transferring parishes.
Assigning associates requires that the personnel
director act as a matchmaker first by advertising openings and then by
attempting to fit pastors and associates together. This is not always easy. In
Newark the personnel director explained,
[If you wanted to be an associate pastor here] I
would say to you, "These are twelve places that are open. Here is the data sheet
on each one of them. Feel free to go visit and come back to me and tell me what
you think. I will check it out to see if they are interested, and if we can
strike up the marriage between the two of you, we will move on the
recommendation. If there is any problem, we will just have to keep going back to
the drawing board until you and they click."
For some priests this is a threatening process.
"Some pastors are just not good at attracting personnel," reports the executive
secretary of the Chicago personnel board. "Many pastors do not possess the
interviewing skills you need for this new system. It is going to be very
frightening and create a lot of worry and concern. A lot of associates are like
that too."
In the absence of open listing, for the appointment
of an associate in San Francisco, the committee would first check with the
archbishop. If he approves, they ask the pastor to see if he would accept the
associate. "Then we check with the associate to see if it is OK with him. If
either says no, the process stops there, and we have to rework it. One such
change can have a domino effect on the other assignments."
This chapter continues...
Footnotes
1. Jackson W. Carroll, Dean R. Hoge, and Francis K.
Scheets, O.S.C., "Costs of Professional Parish Leadership: A
Cross-Denominational Study," (Washington, DC: Catholic University, January 13,
1988, Mimeographed), to be published in upcoming annual volume of the
Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches (New York: National Council of
Churches). In 1983, total pay (including benefits but not room and board) for
priests ranged from $4,512+ to $14,179 for newly ordained priests to $4,512+ to
$16,040 for a priest ordained forty years. Also see "...the Laborer is Worthy of
His Hire," (Chicago: National Federation of Priests' Councils, 1984).
2. John Kinsella, In Service to Church
Ministers: A Brief Introduction to the Ministry of Church Personnel
Administration (Cincinnati, OH: National Association of Church Personnel
Administrators, 1983), 35.
3. Helen Morrison, O.P., The Third Age:
Retirement Concepts for Clergy and Religious (Cincinnati, OH: National
Association of Church Personnel Administrators, 1986).
4. Kinsella, In Service, 23.
5. In 1966, 86 percent of the priests supported a
personnel office to work out clergy assignments. Joseph H. Fichter, S.J.,
America's Forgotten Priests: What They Are Saying (New York: Harper & Row,
1968), 142.
6. Kinsella, In Service, 26.
7. Thomas J. Reese, S.J., "Fewer Priests for Better
or Worse?" America 149 (September 24, 1983): 149-50.
8. George Gallup, Jr., and Jim Castelli, The
American Catholic People (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1987), 53.
9. See Dean Hoge, Future of Catholic Leadership:
Responses to the Priest Shortage (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1987); Richard A.
Schoenherr and Annemette Sorensen, "From the Second Vatican to the Second
Millennium: Decline and Change in the U.S. Catholic Church," Respondent Report 5
(Madison, WI: Comparative Religious Organization Studies, University of
Wisconsin, 1981).
10. For description of today's seminarians, see
Eugene F. Hemrick, "The Evolving Church and Church Governance," in The
Ministry of Governance, ed. James K. Mallet (Washington, DC: Canon Law
Society of America, 1986), 142, especially footnotes 7-9.
11. Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and
Ministry, Recommendations and an Enquiry about Alcoholism among Catholic
Clergy (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1978) and Joseph H.
Fichter, S.J., Rehabilitation of Clergy Alcoholics (New York: Human
Science Press, 1982).
12. Andrew M. Greeley, The Catholic Priest in
the United States: Sociological Investigations (Washington, DC: U.S.
Catholic Conference, 1972), 216.
13. See Fichter, Forgotten Priests, 115-80;
Greeley, Catholic Priest, 199-266. For recommendations on improving
morale, see The Report of the Bishops' Ad Hoc Committee for Priestly Life and
Ministry (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1974).
14. On conflicts between bishops and priests in the
late 1960s, see John Seidler, "Priest-Protest in the Human Catholic Church,"
National Catholic Reporter, May 3, 1974, 7ff.
15. Dean R. Hoge, Joseph J. Shields, and Mary
Jeanne Verdieck, "Attitudes of American Priests in 1970 and 1985 on Church and
Priesthood," Study of Future Church Leadership, Report No. 4 (Washington, DC:
Catholic University of America, March 1986, Mimeographed), table 9, p. 1.
16. Hoge, Future of Catholic Leadership, 20.
See also Hoge, Shields, and Verdieck, "Attitudes of American Priests."
17. On priest resignations, see John Seidler,
"Priest Resignations in a Lazy Monopoly," American Sociological Review 44
(1979): 763-83; John Seidler, "Priest Resignations, Relocation and Passivity,"
National Catholic Reporter, May 10, 1974, 7ff; and Greeley, Catholic
Priest, 275-310.
18. Hoge, Shields, and Verdieck, "Attitudes of
American Priests," table 9, p. 1.
19. Paul M. Dudziak, "The Marginalization of
Associate Pastors: Some Implications for Seminaries," Jurist 43 (1983):
199-213.
20. Hoge, Shields, and Verdieck, "Attitudes of
American Priests," table 9, p. 2.
21. Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and
Ministry, National Conference of Catholic Bishops, The Priest and Stress
(Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1982). On other health problems, see
Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and Ministry, The Health of American
Catholic Priests: A Report and Study (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic
Conference, 1985).
22. In 1960, 44 percent of the priests surveyed
reported the degree of their bishop's personal interest in them at "hardly at
all" or "not at all." In 1966, the percentage was 61. See Fichter, Forgotten
Priests, 54-55.
23. John F. Whealon, "Homily--Closing of Emmaus
Convocation," St. Joseph's College, Archdiocese of Hartford, June 15, 1983.
24. Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and
Ministry, The Continuing Formation of Priests: Growing in Wisdom, Age and
Grace (Washington, DC: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1984)
25. Between 1967 and 1972, the number of U.S.
dioceses with personnel boards increased from 2 percent to 80 percent. See
Robert F. Szafran, "The Effect of Executive and Professional Organizations:
Accounting for Organizational Patterns and Individual Perceptions," Sociology
of Work and Occupation 7 (May 1980): 188-209, and "Preliminary Conclusions
about the Creation of Clergy Personnel Boards in Roman Catholic Dioceses,"
Respondent Report 2 (Madison, WI: Comparative Religious Organization Studies,
University of Wisconsin, 1976). Also see Richard A. Schoenherr and Robert F.
Szafran, "Growth and Decline Rates, 1966-1973, and Personnel Operations in the
United States Catholic Dioceses," Respondent Report 1 (Madison, WI: Comparative
Religious Organization Studies, University of Wisconsin, 1976).
26. In 1966, 89 percent of the priests surveyed
said they did not have a personnel board but wanted one. Another 7 percent had
boards and approved the idea. Fichter, Forgotten Priests, 64.
27. Ibid., 139.
Chapter 7: Catholic Education and Social Services
About the only
thing I can get on the front page of the local newspaper is the closure of a
school.
Archbishop Kelly
Because of
federal budget cuts, we are opening shelters, soup kitchens, and we are back
to the things we did before the Roosevelt administration.
Director of Charities, Hartford, CT
Archdioceses run
many programs, and it is impossible to examine all of them in this book.
This chapter will examine the two largest archdiocesan programs: education
and social services. The first is primarily a parish-based program, while
the second is usually run independently of the parishes. Both programs began
as a response to the needs of poor Catholic immigrants in a hostile
environment. The programs grew in size and quality and now compare favorably
with similar programs run by state or private agencies. They have also
expanded their services beyond the Catholic community to the public at
large, especially the poor.
Supporting and
overseeing Catholic education and Catholic social services is an important
responsibility of the archbishop. It is a difficult job because these are
large and complex organizations, but it is made easier by the fact that
these are usually the most professionally organized and managed programs in
the archdiocese. The superintendent of schools and the director of Catholic
Charities normally have more management training and experience than other
archdiocesan administrators. In addition, the programs have secular
counterparts from whom they can learn and to whom they can be compared.
Although these
programs are very different, the concerns of the archbishops are focused on
similar issues in both programs: governance, finances, and Catholicity.
Education
There are 7,659
Catholic elementary schools, 1,391 high schools, and 233 colleges and
universities in the United States. Most of the colleges and universities are
run by religious orders independent of the local bishop, but 60 percent of
the high schools and practically all of the elementary schools are the
responsibility of the bishops. Although the number of schools has declined
since its peak in 1966, archdioceses still run some of the largest school
systems in the country, sometimes larger than any public school system in
their state. The Chicago archdiocese has 12 high schools with 5,409 students
and 345 elementary schools with 116,509 students.
While all
archbishops view Catholic schools as the ideal, they also recognize that
most Catholic children are in public schools. There are almost 2 million
children in Catholic elementary schools and 708,000 in Catholic high
schools, but there are 3 million elementary students and 804,000 high school
students in parish religious education programs (CCD). Most of these
students are taught by volunteers. These programs are judged to be
ineffective by 37 percent of the religious education directors who run them.
A difficult
problem facing any archbishop is how to stress the importance of Catholic
schools without seeming to denigrate the importance of religious education,
and vice versa. If he constantly harps on the importance of Catholic
schools, those involved in religious education will feel slighted. If he
puts more resources into religious education, the school people will feel he
is getting ready to abandon Catholic schools.
The archbishop is
ultimately responsible for the education programs of the archdiocese. He
must be particularly concerned about governance (who decides what), finances
(how much does it cost and how is it paid for), and the Catholicity of the
education programs.
Governance: Archdiocesan Offices
In his concern
for governance, the archbishop must structure the archdiocesan offices to
deal with both Catholic schools and religious education programs. Most
archdioceses have a separate office for each. In some archdioceses (like
Baltimore, Chicago, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Milwaukee, New York,
Philadelphia, Washington) a vicar or secretary for total education or
Christian formation has under him a superintendent of schools and an
archdiocesan director of religious education. He might also have under him
the seminaries and offices for youth ministry, campus ministry, lay
ministry, and family ministry.
The idea of one
education department flowed from attempts to implement the bishops' pastoral
letter on education, "To Teach as Jesus Did," which stressed that there was
one educational mission. Sometimes there is a cooperative atmosphere between
the school and religious education offices, but sometimes each office goes
its own way until a conflict arises over scheduling, policy, or resources.
Cooperation and communication are further inhibited when the offices are in
different buildings as in Louisville. The secretary for education or the
archbishop attempts to resolve disputes and improve communication and
cooperation between the two offices.
Some
superintendents of schools complain about the secretariat system because it
places someone between them and the archbishop. Because of their size,
complexity, and importance, Catholic schools have many problems that require
the archbishop's attention. Every superintendent wants direct access to make
sure the archbishop understands his position on school issues. "In our
system, the schools are but one division of many," complained the
superintendent of schools in Newark who later quit. To communicate with the
archbishop "you fight up through the secretary of education, then he fights
up through the vicar general and chancellor. The layers of bureaucracy can
fog some of the thoughts that are given." To alleviate this problem, some
secretaries for education will bring along the superintendent when they see
the archbishop about a school issue.
In some
archdioceses (like Atlanta, Denver, Dubuque, and St. Paul), the secretary
may also be the superintendent of schools. In small dioceses with limited
resources, the religious education office may simply be one or more persons
who also deal with the religion curriculum in the school office. This is
unsatisfactory to those involved in religious education who fear they will
get short shrift despite the fact that they teach more Catholic children
than do the Catholic schools.
None of these
organizational structures is ideal. They work only if the people get along
with each other and respect their separate ministries. If they don't,
someone, either the archbishop or his vicar, will have to bridge the gap or
replace the people.
Most archdioceses
have a board of education that advises the archbishop on educational policy.
Some board promoters want them to be independent like public school boards,
but in most cases board proposals cannot take effect without the approval of
the archbishop. Although a board is technically only consultative, the
archbishop may delegate to it much authority by, in fact, rarely overruling
it. Confrontations are rare since the bishop keeps control over board
membership and influences board proposals as they are being developed. Some
archbishops take an active role as chairman of the board of education, but
most do not attend their meetings but leave them to their vicar for
education or their superintendent of schools. The education office staffs
the board, preparing agenda, reports, and minutes. It also acts as liaison
between the board and the archbishop. Archdioceses with successful boards
tend to have training programs to educate board members to their role.
Some archdioceses
(like Atlanta, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Denver, Indianapolis, Milwaukee,
Mobile, Omaha) have one board for both schools and religious education,
while others have separate boards for each. While a number of vicars and
archbishops praise the joint boards for providing a comprehensive overview
of educational policy, superintendents of schools and archdiocesan directors
of religious education often complain that they do not get enough time with
the joint boards.
After trying
boards of total education, the archdioceses of Kansas City and Seattle set
up separate school boards. The board of total education "was an unwieldy
board," according to the Kansas City superintendent of schools. "You really
didn't get a lot accomplished and the schools were always accused of taking
all the time."
"The needs were
so different," reports the Seattle superintendent. "The time being spent,
particularly on school crises, was so out of proportion that they chose to
have different boards." Joint boards devote most of their time to school
issues because they are constantly pressing.
Boards have been
active in drawing up or revising educational policies and procedures. They
provide a good sounding board to give community reaction to ideas or
questions from the vicar for education or the superintendent of schools.
Sometimes they are involved in the opening, consolidating, or closing of
schools. Often they are concerned about personnel policies and finances:
school office budget, teachers' salaries, tuition, and fund-raising. Some
boards also serve as appeal panels for fired teachers or principals.
Religious Education
The religious
education office oversees and encourages the religious education program in
the parishes. Its small staff usually divides up the archdiocese by regions
or by grade levels. One or more persons may be responsible for training
catechists and/or supervising directors of religious education in parishes.
There are an estimated five thousand professional religious education
directors in the United States (defined as a full-time employee with a
master's degree in theology or religious education with at least three years
experience). Most (83 percent) are women.
In some
archdioceses (like Baltimore, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Omaha, Mobile,
Washington), the religious education office is responsible for both the
parish catechetical program and the school religion program. In other
archdioceses, the school office has its own religious education staff.
Having the religious education experts in one office is thought to be more
efficient, but some school officials do not like this approach. "You isolate
religion out of the curriculum, make it something that happens in the
schools but not a total part of the school," says Rev. Stephen O'Brien of
the National Catholic Education Association. "Secondly, the superintendent
of schools doesn't have authority over the religion curriculum, which is bad
because that is in his critical area."
In Baltimore, the
religious education office develops programs for the schools, but the
superintendent implements them. The religious education staff dealing with
schools sits in on meetings of the school office and provides lines of
communication between the two. The superintendent and principals are
responsible for the entire curriculum in the schools, and if they opposed a
religious curriculum plan, it would not be adopted. The Baltimore
superintendent thinks that their system works well although he was worried
at the beginning. "It's the way we relate to each other that makes it work,"
he says. "We meet every two weeks and share everything. Everyone supports
each other. When you have a problem, they are there to help you."
Some archdiocesan
offices of religious education (like Washington) have broad authority to
determine who can be hired as directors of religious education in parishes,
what training is necessary for catechists, and what texts can be used. For
example, most archbishops require that the textbooks have imprimaturs in
order to ensure their orthodoxy. A few also require that the parish director
of religious education have a degree in theology or religious education.
Some also require
that catechists go through a training program and become certified. "Unless
the catechists are trained," explains the director of religious education in
Miami, "you have someone teaching Trent, another teaching Vatican I, and
another teaching Vatican II, or Vatican III!" Often there are levels of
certification, one for beginners and the last being a master catechist who
helps other catechists.
In other
archdioceses, the religious education office makes recommendations, but the
pastor does what he wants. Sometimes strict requirements are not imposed
because so few qualified people are available. In archdioceses with few
Catholic colleges, requiring a degree in theology or religious education for
parish directors of religious education may be unrealistic. In addition,
there is a limit to what can be demanded of volunteer catechists. Training
programs and workshops for catechists are provided, but not mandatory.
Most religious
education offices act as a clearinghouse or placement service for people
interested in getting jobs as parish directors of religious education. Some
archdiocesan religious education offices interview and screen people who
want to be parish directors of religious education. Most offices have a
resource center with books, films, videos, and other teaching materials, or
they may share a resource center with the school office. "We have 350 video
tapes," reports the director of education in St. Paul. "The smallest parish
can have the best speakers, people like [the Scripture scholar] Ray Brown."
Religious
education offices constantly try to get pastors and parishes to take
religious education more seriously. Some pastors cut corners by hiring
young, inexperienced people as youth ministers and directors of religious
education. Adult religious education is often nonexistent, although the RCIA
program for adult catechumens has been very successful in a number of
archdioceses. Some religious education offices also run, or help parishes
run, sacramental preparation programs (pre-Cana, pre-Jordan).
A delicate job of
archdiocesan religious education offices is to mediate disputes between
pastors and directors of religious education. Disputes can occur over the
program itself, but also over salaries, benefits, responsibilities, and
authority. When the chips are down, the pastor almost always wins, but the
office tries to defuse disputes by facilitating communications and
understanding. Job descriptions and model contracts are drawn up by the
office for use by pastors and parish education committees.
Sometimes
conflicts arise between those running the religious education and those
running the school. The classrooms may be used after school for the
religious education program. The sacramental preparation programs for both
groups of children must be coordinated. And if a religion teacher in the
school is also the director of religious education in the parish, he may be
getting contradictory instructions from different bosses.
Conflict can also
occur over parish funds. The director of religious education in Louisville
notes that "we have had parishes that were happy with the DRE's [directors
of religious education], really profited from them, but it came to the point
where they said, `We can't afford it.' I blame it mainly on the financial
drain that the schools have put on the parish." Improving religious
education usually means spending more money. If the parish is pouring lots
of money into the parish school, resources may be limited. The pastor has to
referee these disputes, but sometimes the archdiocesan offices get involved.
Religious
educators can also be caught in the middle in areas that are disputed in the
church today. According to the Denver secretary of education, they "get
caught between what parents want to do, what the parents experienced, what
the current theology is saying to them, what canon law might be saying, what
Rome might be saying, what the bishops might be saying, all of which might
be somewhat different."
School Governance
In every
archdiocese, schools are one of the largest and most complex ministries.
Somehow, policies have to be determined and implemented on a wide range of
issues affecting students, faculty, and administrators: admissions,
expulsion, tuition, hiring, firing, salaries, textbooks, curriculum,
insurance, maintenance. The power of the various actors (archdiocesan board
of education, vicar for education, superintendent of schools, unions,
principal, pastor, parish council, parish education committee, teachers) are
different in different archdioceses. "In spite of its image as a
hierarchical organization with universally enforced norms, the church's
policies and practices of governance and accountability are neither
uniformally defined nor universally practiced in Catholic schools," reports
Lourdes Sheehan, executive director of the National Association of Boards of
Education at the National Catholic Educational Association. "What really
happens in schools depends on personalities, policies and politics at the
local level."
The school
office, headed by the superintendent of schools, is usually one of the
larger offices in the archdiocese, but it is always smaller and less
powerful than a comparable public school office. The Denver superintendent
of schools has a staff of three people although a local school district of
similar size (13,000 students) has a central office staff of fifty.
Normally the
office will be divided in two parts, one dealing with primary schools and
one with high schools. Some (like Detroit, Los Angeles, New Orleans) have
staffs that are responsible for schools in different parts of the
archdiocese. In Indianapolis, the superintendent of schools explains that
each of her
thirteen staff
members has a number of schools under their jurisdiction. They go out and
interview the principals of all our schools, go over their goals and
objectives for the year, try to establish contact. If the principal needs
some consultation, this person is the one that they call on.
In Indianapolis,
most of the thirteen staff persons also have a curriculum specialty. A
school office may also have persons dealing with finances (although this is
usually handled by the finance office), government relations, and staff
development. The school office will also act as a clearinghouse or placement
service for people seeking jobs as principals or teachers.
Archdiocesan
school offices have less power over parish schools than their public school
counterparts have over public schools. But some archdiocesan school offices
have more power than others. Determining at what level decisions should be
made is not easy. "For tuition, teachers' salaries, hiring, selection of
books, for the whole range of school issues," explains the Washington
superintendent of schools, "there is no magic point where you can draw the
line and say, `Everything on this side of the line is parochial and
everything on this side is diocesan.'"
Some archdioceses
are more centralized than others. When control is decentralized,
superintendents speak of a federation or "system of schools" as opposed to a
"school system," which is more centralized. In a centralized system, the
approval of the superintendent of schools would be required for the hiring
of a principal. School policies, procedures, curriculum, textbooks, and
testing would be mandated. Officials from the school office would visit and
evaluate schools.
In a
decentralized system, the school office staff is small. For example, in
Cincinnati the office has only two persons. The pastor hires whom he wants
as principal, with or without consultation with the parish school board.
"Guidelines" might be issued by the school office, but the pastors and
principals can ignore them. "It is to their advantage to follow the
guidelines," explains the director of education in St. Paul, "because the
guidelines can be on very difficult and technical matters, and they need the
help."
Various factors
push archdioceses toward centralizing power while other factors push toward
decentralization. Decentralization is encouraged by the principle of
subsidiarity that calls for decisions and work to be done at the lowest
possible level. Pastors, principals, and local boards of education are
presumed to know their schools and want what is best for them. Without their
active involvement, the schools will not survive. Nor are school offices
sufficiently staffed to govern schools directly. Normally, the
superintendent is not trying to take control away from the parish staff but
trying to get them to take their responsibilities more seriously.
The involvement
of the laity on local school boards has also been a decentralizing
influence. Although these boards are advisory, participation brings a sense
of ownership that is hard to override. In addition, to the extent that
parish schools are locally financed, they have a great deal of autonomy.
Pastors pay the bills and therefore control their schools. Most observers
agree "the important decisions regarding personnel and finances are largely
made at each individual school; the diocesan superintendent of schools plays
a lesser role than the public school counterpart in that position."
On the other
hand, many factors, such as the hierarchical structure of the church,
encourage centralization. Government laws and regulations (everything from
fire regulations to sex discrimination laws) tend to encourage
centralization, because the school office will act to make sure the schools
comply. If the schools are accredited, policies and procedures are more
likely to be uniform and supervised by the school office. Archdioceses also
tend to play a larger role in regional or consolidated schools, because
there is no one parish to take responsibility. And when faced with
difficulties, the pastor or principal often turn to the school office or
archbishop for help. Schools with financial problems ask for archdiocesan
funds, and outside funding means more outside control. If a number of
schools have financial problems, the archdiocese will likely mandate
planning and budgetary procedures.
And when
conflicts arise, someone often complains to the school office or the
archbishop. Angry parents will write the archbishop. A fired teacher or
principal will appeal to the archdiocese. School conflicts can also develop
into law suits and insurance claims for which the archdiocese may be liable.
As a result, archdiocesan policies and procedures are developed to protect
the archdiocese on matters like hiring, contract renewal, firing, liability,
etc. Often pastors and principals welcome archdiocesan guidelines on complex
and controversial issues because they relieve them of the responsibility and
the burden of working out their own policies and procedures. The more
complex the area, the more likely the central office has more expertise than
the local school.
The replacement
of religious by laity has also encouraged more centralization. In the past,
religious communities saw to the training, selection, and supervision of
sisters working as teachers and principals in parish schools. Local pastors
and school boards do not usually have the expertise to carry out these
responsibilities for their lay faculties. Concern about the qualifications
and Catholicity of lay principals and teachers has increased the
archdiocesan involvement in their selection, in-service training, and
supervision.
Also encouraging
greater centralization are archdiocesan school boards. After examining an
issue, a board is apt to recommend an archdiocesan program or policy.
Superintendents recognize that a recommendation from the board carries more
weight than one that simply comes from their office. What superintendents
and archbishops might be afraid to do on their own because of local
opposition, they can more easily do on the recommendation of the
archdiocesan board of education.
Catholicity
The primary
function of the school office is to supervise and support the schools'
academic and religious programs. Most archdioceses have curriculum experts
who can help teachers in curriculum development and the choice of textbooks.
The school office primarily works with the principals in the hopes that they
will then lead their schools. In some archdioceses, school officials visit
and evaluate schools. In others (like Indianapolis, Santa Fe, Washington),
the schools are visited by accrediting teams from the state or private
school associations as a means of guaranteeing their academic quality. Most
superintendents are happy with this arrangement. But in some localities, the
relations between the Catholic school office and public school
administrators are not good. "We are fighting with the state," reports the
Omaha superintendent of schools. "They make life difficult every chance they
have. They act like the sooner we close, the better."
Even where the
relationship is fairly good, state accreditation means that the Catholic
schools must follow the state's philosophy of education. "If you become
accredited, you must meet their criteria," explains the superintendent of
schools in Denver, "and their criteria don't always fit into what we might
perceive to be in the best interest of our schools." For example, a state
may require teachers to be locally certified even though they already are
certified in another state. This is especially a problem for religious who
during their lives teach in a number of states.
The school office
pays special attention to the religion curriculum. As with religious
education programs, archbishops require that religion textbooks have
imprimaturs to ensure their orthodoxy. While one adult text (Christ Among
Us) had its imprimatur removed at the insistence of the Vatican, texts
for children have been for the most part noncontroversial, except when they
deal with human sexuality. Some conservative Catholics have objected to any
sex education in Catholic schools.
More problematic
are the teachers. In the past, the bishops simply trusted the nuns to teach
orthodox doctrine at a time when there was little dissent in the church.
Today, many who teach religion in Catholic schools are lay. A few have
theological degrees, but others have little or no formal training in
theology, especially in archdioceses (like Oklahoma City) with few Catholic
colleges. A few archbishops are concerned about the theology the teachers
may have learned at some Catholic colleges, but mostly they are concerned
about teachers who have limited knowledge. Often the school office or the
religious education office will run workshops and training programs for
religion teachers. Some archdioceses require teachers to be certified as
catechists.
The issue of
Catholicity goes beyond a simple concern for orthodoxy. Sometimes it is
simple neglect. One religious education official describes visiting a school
with the archdiocesan superintendent. After sitting in on classes they met
with the principal.
I said to her
point blank, "If I didn't see a crucifix in each classroom, I would never
know this was a Catholic school." You know what her answer was? "I know it."
She had been
principal for five years. She walked into a bad situation facultywise, so
her emphasis for five years has been to build up her faculty in everything
but religion.
So I looked at
her and said, "So you have five groups of children who are not Catholic out
in the community now."
"Oh, but I am
going to get to it this year."
When we walked
out the door, the superintendent and I wondered if we should padlock it.
Religious
educators speak of the school as a community of faith. Besides the academic
instruction, liturgy, prayer, and Christian service are part of the faith
community's life. Since the key person in the school for making this happen
is the principal, many archdioceses require that principals be practicing
Catholics because to be a leader of a faith community takes more than
academic and administrative competence. For the same reason, some
superintendents are reluctant to hire as principals qualified persons who
have spent all of their lives working in public schools.
Some
superintendents also organize workshops to indoctrinate new teachers with
the philosophy and theology of Catholic education. A number of dioceses use
programs developed by the National Catholic Education Association. "We have
5,500 teachers, and there is always a turnover of teachers," explains the
superintendent of schools in New York. "We have to constantly educate them
to the purpose of Catholic schools." One archdiocese requires that all
teachers be certified catechists even if they do not teach religion.
The Catholicity
issue is more complex in inner-city schools where a majority of the black
students are non-Catholic. Catholic schools are the most successful
evangelizing tool available to the church in the black community. At the
same time, the schools try to respect the religious freedom of non-Catholic
parents and their children. Most schools teach the Catholic faith to both
Catholic and non-Catholic students. Other denominations are treated with
respect, and grades are based on knowledge and not belief.
Another recent
issue confronting Catholic schools is what to do with unmarried pregnant
students and teachers. The traditional response was to throw them out of
school because they have been involved in activity unacceptable to Catholic
teaching.
According to this
view, for the school to do nothing would be to condone the activity. On the
other hand, some now argue that such policies encourage abortions by
punishing those who do not have an illegitimate child aborted.
Finances
A major problem
confronting Catholic schools is financing. Although Catholic schools are run
more cheaply than public schools, they constantly have trouble making ends
meet. "Our school budget--for parochial schools, twenty-nine diocesan high
schools, and the seminary--runs $105 to $110 million each year," explains
Cardinal Krol. "So we are a bit busy trying to meet that budget." Some
archdiocesan school offices (like New Orleans) review and approve parish
school budgets. Usually school budgets are not examined at the archdiocesan
level unless the parish or school is requesting archdiocesan funds (see
chapter 5).
Once a school is
built and paid for, the major cost of running a school is labor: salaries
and other personnel costs amount to over 75 percent of a school's budget.
Other big items would be insurance and utilities. Catholic schools in the
past were heavily subsidized by the low-cost labor of religious women. The
decline in the number of sisters has necessitated hiring lay teachers, who
cost much more than the sisters ever did. Increased employment opportunities
for women also mean schools must pay more to attract good teachers. In
addition, the church is becoming aware that it must practice what it
preaches about just salaries. But the higher the salaries, the higher the
cost of running the schools.
Teachers salaries
are sometimes set by the school and sometimes by the archdiocese. In a few
archdioceses (like New York, Philadelphia, and San Francisco), high school
teachers' salaries are set through collective bargaining between the
archdiocese and the teachers' union. When the school sets the salary, the
archdiocese often offers optional guidelines.
Salaries are set
with one eye on public school salaries and one eye on tuition. Catholic
school teachers are almost always paid less than public school teachers.
Some Catholic schools pay 90 percent or better of the public scale, but
others pay much less. In New Orleans, some inner-city schools were paying 50
percent of the city scale. "If we can keep our teachers in this diocese at
75 percent to 80 percent of the public school system," says the New Orleans
superintendent of schools, "I think we are in excellent shape." The
Washington archdiocese pays teachers only about half of what public school
teachers receive. As a result, 40 percent of the lay teachers have less than
three years experience as teachers.
Most teachers
prefer teaching in parochial schools. But where the pay differential is too
wide, the parochial schools lose their more experienced teachers to the
public schools. "Unless we do something about the teachers' salaries, we are
going to lose all of our schools anyway," says the superintendent of schools
in Washington. "The simplest way to handle the teachers' salary issue is to
charge the parents more money in tuition."
Tuition is a
major revenue source for Catholic schools, accounting for 43 percent of
their revenues, up from 39 percent twelve years earlier. To increase
revenues, a school must attract more students or raise tuition. There is
great reluctance to increase tuition charges. "If we charge the parents more
money in tuition," says the Washington superintendent, "we run into the
problem of becoming elite and driving people away." If tuition increases
cause enrollments to decline, then revenues will fall. "If the enrollment in
an eight-room school is less than 150," explains the director of school
planning in Washington, "it is going to be in financial trouble."
Proponents of
higher tuition point out that some parents pay more for child care than
Catholic schools charge for tuition. "People will tell you how when they
went to school, tuition was $20 a family," recounts the superintendent of
schools in Detroit. "Yet they will pay $1,600 for preschool at commercial
day care centers and then complain because the Catholic first grade is $600
or $700."
Many poor parents
are willing to pay high tuitions to keep their children in a Catholic
school. In the archdiocese of Washington, inner-city parents formed
committees to recruit students and to collect tuition from nonpaying
parents. They realized that without these measures their schools would
close.
Most parishes are
able to subsidize their schools with money from the Sunday collection.
Nationwide, 46 percent of the school budget is covered by a parish subsidy.
A school with children from a neighboring parish will sometimes get help
from that parish, too. The parishes with the biggest collections, however,
tend to have affluent parishioners who could afford the tuition anyway. The
small collection of a poor inner-city parish will be of little help to its
school.
How much money a
parish should give its school is a debated issue. The more money going to
the school, the less money is available for other parish programs. In
addition, if a parish charges significantly less tuition than a neighboring
parish, families with school children will transfer to that parish. A few
archdioceses (like Mobile, Milwaukee, and Newark) put a limit on the
percentage of the school budget that can come from the parish or on the
percentage of the parish budget that can go to the school. On the other
hand, school officials point out that a good portion of this money would not
come to the parish if it did not have a school. For example, parents would
not run fund-raising activities like bingo if their children were not in the
school. And some parishes require parents to "donate" a certain amount to
the church if their children are in the school.
The archdiocese,
if it has money, can also be a source of funds for parish schools, as was
explained in chapter 5. Archdiocesan money can sometimes keep a borderline
school open, but a school in serious trouble will eventually close. "We make
a huge effort to keep open all of our inner-city schools," says Archbishop
Hannan of New Orleans, "because the black ministers and the blacks in
general have told us that is the greatest contribution we can make to them."
But some archdiocesan officials wonder how long Catholics will be willing to
support inner-city schools whose black students are predominantly
non-Catholic. Schools with Hispanic students stress the Catholic character
of their students when competing with black schools for archdiocesan funds.
In most cases,
parish and archdiocesan subsidies are simply given as grants to the school
for general operations or capital improvements. Some school finance experts
argue that subsidizing operating expenses is inefficient. They believe that
the schools should charge full cost for tuition and then use these subsidies
for scholarships. Under this system, those who can afford it will pay full
cost; those who cannot, would be eligible for scholarships.
Although this may
be an intellectually rational system, politically it is hard to sell. "Just
the words full cost really can scare a lot of people," explains the
superintendent of schools in Baltimore. Wealthier parents, who also
contribute to the parish, object to significant increases in tuition.
Middle-class parents complain of the humiliation of applying for financial
aid. School finance experts note, however, that these same parents have no
qualms about applying for financial aid when their children go to college.
So far, archdioceses have been more successful implementing such programs on
the high school level rather than in elementary schools.
Finally, state
and local governments may be sources of funds for parochial schools,
although Supreme Court decisions have made this very difficult. Typically
the funds have been given for school lunches, secular textbooks,
transportation, nurses, guidance counseling, remedial mathematics and
English, bilingual education and state-mandated testing programs. In New
Mexico, accredited Catholic schools receive about $5,000 each for textbooks
from the state. The New York archdiocesan schools received about $3 million
a year (mostly for English as a second language and guidance) until the
Supreme Court ruled that these programs could not be run in the Catholic
schools but had to be done off campus.
Closing and Merging Schools
Schools get into
financial trouble when enrollments decline and tuition income falls. "We
don't close any schools," explains Archbishop May of St. Louis, "but people
do when they no longer send their kids to them. If there is no enrollment,
we have to consolidate or close that school. That wasn't our decision, it
was the decision of the parents."
Especially hard
hit have been rural and inner-city schools where population changes have
meant fewer school-age children, fewer Catholics, or fewer parents who can
afford the tuition. Sometimes a change in school administration or policy
makes the schools less attractive to the parents. Whatever the cause, unless
the enrollment decline is reversed, the school will become a bigger drain on
parish and archdiocesan finances.
Many archdiocesan
school officials believe that with proper leadership no school need close
unless there are simply no children in the neighborhood. "Population and
enrollment should be the basic reason why schools are closed or merged,"
says the superintendent of schools in Washington. "But finances and
personalities often get tossed into the ring. Even the poorest of schools
have created ways to continue where there has been a will and enthusiasm to
do it." He found that schools are closed "because a principal comes in who
can't deal with people, and the parents decide they are going to switch
rather than fight." Others blame school closings on pastors and principals
unwilling to deal with the financial and enrollment aspects of the school.
If the enrollment
decreases, the financial viability and the academic quality of the school
suffers and the school may have to close or merge with a neighboring school.
Closing schools is very controversial. Some archdiocesan officials consider
it even more traumatic than closing a parish. The decision to close a school
very often leads to picketing the archbishop by parents, students, and
alumni of the school. If the school is in the inner city, its closure will
be decried as another example of the church's lack of concern for blacks and
Hispanics. When Archbishop O'Connor arrived in New York, he found a number
of schools that were waiting for approval to close. He refused because he
did not want to become known as the archbishop who closed schools his first
year in office.
No school closes
without the approval of the archbishop, but sometimes the situation is so
desperate by the time it reaches his desk that the decision is inevitable.
In the worst-case scenario, the first sign of trouble comes in the spring
when a new pastor requests a subsidy to cover a large deficit for the
current school year. This comes as a complete surprise to the archbishop,
because the finance office is not monitoring the parish and school finances.
An examination of the parish and school books reveals that the previous
pastor consumed the parish savings to keep the school open. In addition, he
postponed maintenance to cut costs. The school building needs major repairs,
and the Environmental Protection Agency wants the asbestos removed from the
school at once. Meanwhile, early registration shows a significant decline in
enrollment for the coming year. The pastor thinks that the situation is
hopeless and wants to cut his losses and close the school immediately. His
announcement comes as a surprise to the faculty and parents who were not
consulted or kept informed about the situation. If the school is to close,
the decision should be made quickly so that students and faculty can make
plans for the coming year.
If the school and
finance offices are monitoring the parish and the school, the archbishop
should not be surprised by a last-minute crisis. Rather he will be faced
with a situation that gradually gets worse. If the pastor and principal are
consulting and sharing information with the parents and other parish
leaders, they too will be aware of the problems. Some archdioceses have an
involved process that must be followed before a school can be closed: Open
hearings must be held; the pastor, parish council, and school board must
concur in the decision; neighboring parishes must agree; the decision must
be announced a year in advance; and every effort must be made to find other
Catholic schools that will accept the students. Such procedures do not
eliminate the pain, but they do make the decision-making process more open.
But an open
process can also have negative effects. Publicly discussing the problems of
a school and its possible closure discourages donations and encourages
parents to put their children in other schools. "The word, `viability
study,' uttered no louder than a whisper in the bottom of a cellar in an
inner room was enough to kill the enrollment in any school," reports the
superintendent of schools in Newark. As a result, she instituted a
three-year process requiring all schools to forecast and plan their futures.
Often the
decision is not to close a school but to consolidate it with a neighboring
school. This strengthens the financial and academic viability of both
schools by combining their enrollments. Consolidating or clustering schools
(as was done in Baltimore's inner city) requires significant archdiocesan
planning. Ideally, the best building at the most central location becomes
the consolidated school, but preferences of pastors and parishioners and
local finances play an important role.
The problem with
consolidated schools, according to the superintendent of schools in Detroit,
is that "everybody's school is nobody's school." The governance and
financing of a consolidated school requires a clear understanding of the
relationship of the two parishes to the school: what students can attend,
what do they pay, how much do the parishes subsidize the school, what say do
the pastors have in hiring and school policy, and how are disputes settled?
Unless there is a clear, written agreement on these issues, problems will
arise. For example, the pastor will say that the student may live in his
parish, but the parents don't come to church or don't contribute. He
therefore refuses to subsidize the student's education. Frequently troubles
arise when new pastors arrive on the scene who were not involved in the
original consolidation.
Principals and Pastors
Everyone agrees
that the principal and pastor are the two key people in a parochial school.
The most helpful thing that an archbishop can do for a parish school is
appoint as pastor a priest who is sympathetic to Catholic education, as was
discussed in chapter 6. "I get really nervous in the spring before the
priests' appointments until I know who is going to be in those schools,"
confesses the superintendent of schools in Omaha. "As the pastor, so goes
the school. You can see a turnaround over night, positively or negatively."
The other key
person is the principal. "If you have a key administrator," explains the New
Orleans superintendent of schools, "a good leader, who knows what Catholic
education is about, knows how to work with the finances, knows how to work
with the local school board and work with the pastor--if he or she has those
qualities, we are off to a good start."
Principals are
appointed in many different ways. The principal of a regional school (with
students from two or more parishes) will often be hired by the school's
board. If a religious community has responsibility for the school, the
community will appoint the principal from among its members. If a parish
school is not the responsibility of a religious community, the pastor will
appoint the principal under whatever guidelines are set by the archdiocese.
The restrictions range from practically none to the requirement that the
superintendent of schools approve the appointment, as happens in New
Orleans. Sometimes the archdiocese requires that the principal have certain
credentials or experience. The pastor's choice might be restricted to a list
of approved candidates who have been screened by the school office, as is
the case in New York. Or the archdiocese may require that the parish board
of education be involved in interviewing and selecting the principal.
Even if he is
free to select whomever he wants, a pastor will sometimes ask the school
office for help in hiring a principal. The school office usually has a list
of people looking for positions as principals. In addition, it can advise
him on ways of proceeding that will protect him from making a bad choice.
However the principal is chosen, he or she and the pastor must be able to
work together for the good of the school. If there is conflict between the
principal and the pastor, the school office can act as mediator, but
ultimately the pastor will win unless he is moved or the archbishop
intervenes.
The Archbishop
An archbishop
cannot spend a great deal of time running the school system or the religious
education programs, but he needs to keep informed on Catholic education
because the tough decisions and problems eventually end up on his desk. The
religious education director of Miami explains the things he would take the
archbishop:
Certainly the
opening or closure of any program, the financial status of programs, the
trends in programs, the Catholicity part, any problems that might arise, any
community involvements. On the other hand, the archbishop might come with
various requests for involvement of the department in some area, whether it
be in pro-life or in the drug scene.
On the school
side, opening, closing, or consolidating schools must always have an
archbishop's approval as would any major fund drive or borrowing. Schools
with financial difficulties or conflicts will be brought to his attention.
Major changes in policy concerning finances, personnel, or the religious
character of schools will need his approval. "There is no clear-cut rule as
to what goes to the archbishop," explains the St. Louis superintendent of
schools. But any problem "that could either cause media attention or an
upheaval in the parish would be appropriate for the archbishop to know and
not be caught by surprise."
When he does turn
his attention to education, an archbishop can have a tremendous impact.
Although many schools are closing, some archbishops (Hannan of New Orleans
and Strecker of Kansas City, KS) are opening new high schools. Others
encourage pastors in new suburban parishes to open elementary schools. But
often the initiative must come from the parishioners. "If there are enough
people wanting a new school and willing to assume the responsibilities,"
said one archbishop, "then we will back them up." Even in closing schools,
archbishops can help by encouraging planning so that the closure of one
school benefits others.
Depending on the
funds available to them, archbishops can also help schools financially. "Szoka
is very strong for schools," reports the superintendent of schools in
Detroit. "He has put a ton of money into schools." A number of archbishops
(Bernardin, Hickey, O'Connor, Sheehan) have attempted to raise money for
endowments for Catholic schools although these efforts have not yet had a
significant impact. Archbishops can also make decisions that will cost
schools money. Shortly after arriving in New York, Cardinal O'Connor
committed the archdiocese to raising teachers' salaries.
The day-to-day
operations of the schools will be left to others, but the archbishop needs
to approve questions of policy. For example, although he would not be
involved in the hiring of principals (except for diocesan high schools in a
small archdiocese), he would approve the policies and procedures governing
the hiring and firing of principals. Any change in policy that will be
mandated will be approved by him, especially if it affects the relationship
of the pastor to the school. Often these policies are recommended by school
boards whose meetings the archbishop rarely attends, although he usually
controls who is appointed to the board.
One of the most
important positions filled by an archbishop is that of superintendent of
schools. He needs to find an experienced, hardworking but diplomatic person
whose vision of Catholic schools is similar to his. The superintendent is
the key person for the archbishop in working with the archdiocesan board of
education, pastors, and principals.
The
superintendent of schools often comes to the archbishop for help and advice
in dealing with pastors, especially if the superintendent is not a priest.
The archbishop knows the priests better than the superintendent, and the
archbishop's power of persuasion is greater. "If I have a principal problem,
I handle it right here," explains the Atlanta superintendent of schools, who
is a religious woman.
But if it is a
pastor problem, I take it to him because I do not want to get caught in the
middle between him and one of his priests. He will ask me some hard
questions, and he will say, "I will talk to Father for you." I have had many
things cured there--in one instance, the removal of a pastor.
Finally, the
archbishop can support Catholic education by his presence at liturgies,
graduations, workshops, and conferences. Archdiocesan educators will invite
him to speak at important meetings of teachers, catechists, and parents.
Articulating a vision of Catholic education in homilies and speeches is seen
as part of the teaching role for the archbishop. Simply thanking and
encouraging teachers in their work is also important.
Catholic Social Services
The Catholic
church runs innumerable social service programs for the poor, sick, hungry,
homeless, handicapped, emotionally disturbed, unemployed, teenage runaways,
unwed mothers, battered women, abused children, refugees, alcoholics, drug
addicts, prisoners, victims of AIDS and others in need. The variety of
programs is extraordinary. Some programs occur in large institutions like
hospitals, nursing homes, orphanages, and low-cost housing units. Others are
run out of neighborhood centers, shelters, foster homes, group residences,
day care centers, and parishes. Some programs give emergency assistance at a
time of crisis, others attempt long-term solutions to problems through
counseling, education, and preventive services.
When added
together the Catholic church is the biggest nongovernmental provider of
social services in the United States. In 1987, the 646 Catholic hospitals
treated over 40 million patients. In 1986, Catholic Charities agencies
provided services to 8.7 million individuals including 2.6 million families.
The largest number of people (5.2 million individuals and 1.4 million
families) received emergency and food services. Counseling was provided to
over 700,000 individuals and 300,000 families. Over 240,000 individuals and
90,000 families received refugee resettlement and immigration services. Over
100,000 individuals and 50,000 families were helped by pregnancy services,
and almost 4,000 adoptions were processed. Support services (day care,
respite care, home health care, homemaker services) were provided to over
600,000 individuals and over 200,000 families. The agencies provided housing
services to over 180,000 individuals and 119,000 families. Out-of-home care
services were provided for 182,000 individuals (of whom almost 150,000 were
children) and almost 120,000 families.
Some of these
programs are run by professionals, others by volunteers and most by a mix of
the two. Of the over 170,000 individuals providing services in Catholic
Charities agencies, 79 percent are volunteers and 15 percent are paid staff.
Over half the volunteers have some specialized training. Of the paid staff,
60 percent are professional, 12 percent are managerial, and 19 percent are
clerical and support staff. Professional expertise is required for refugee
resettlement, health care, marriage counseling, psychological counseling and
therapy. Often these programs and their staffs are certified by the state or
professional associations. "We insist that every Catholic service in the
diocese be licensed even though state law exempts them," says the director
of Catholic Charities in St. Louis. "If they can't qualify for a license,
they ought to be out of business, because it's minimum standards."
Certification helps ensure the archbishop and outside funding sources that
the programs are being run on a professional basis.
Part-time
volunteers also help in numerous programs and are especially active in soup
kitchens, shelters, day care, the St. Vincent de Paul Society, various youth
programs, shut-ins visitation, crisis centers, and hotlines. Sometimes
professionals volunteer their time as in Washington where two hundred
doctors and dentist donated their services to the homeless. Renew and other
programs since Vatican II have stimulated numerous parishioners to get
involved as volunteers in various social ministries. Providing training for
these volunteers is an important function of the professional staff. A few
volunteers end up working full time, as in St. Louis where a woman volunteer
runs a shelter for the homeless.
"One of our roles
in Catholic Charities is to provide opportunities for people to serve,"
explains the St. Louis director. The volunteers are seen, not simply as free
workers, but also as people to be influenced. In Baltimore, the director of
Catholic Charities found that preaching to parish groups about social
justice "bored people to death." Instead, he set up a program for parishes
that involves close to three thousand volunteers who prepare and serve one
meal a month in their food program. These volunteers are primarily from the
suburbs "where they don't come into contact with the poor on a regular
basis," he says. "They get to see who they are. They are not evil ogres;
they are human beings. They have dignity like everybody else. It gives an
understanding of what social justice and social policy is all about in this
country."
More than any
other church organization, Catholic social services must quickly respond to
environmental factors. The programs emphasized in different archdioceses
vary, and they also vary over time in a single archdiocese depending on
community needs and the funds available. The need for orphanages, for
example, has declined with the number of orphans and the rise of alternative
programs. At the same time, increased numbers of elderly have called forth a
response. "When I first came in, a lot of money went to child care," recalls
the director of Catholic Social Services in Philadelphia, "that was reduced
each year to more and more services to the elderly."
In 1970, the San
Francisco Charities programs were primarily counseling and child welfare.
"Now those components represent less than 15 percent of our activity,"
reports the director. "There was major growth in parish social ministry,
aging services, community organizing, immigration services, housing
development, prison visitors, and emergency programs like food programs."
Taking care of
the immediate needs of the poor, hungry, and homeless has always been a
concern of the church. When the government took responsibility for these
needs during the New Deal and Great Society, Catholic Charities emphasized
professional programs for counseling and child welfare. These programs
attempted to go beyond emergency help and tried to provide long-term
solutions through counseling, therapy, and training.
But as a result
of the Reagan administration budget cuts, "We are seeing increasing numbers
of people knocking at our door for alms, for financial help," reports the
Hartford director of Catholic Charities. "We are opening shelters, soup
kitchens, and we are back to the kinds of things we did before the
revolution of the Roosevelt administration." In Philadelphia, a Catholic
shelter was opened for bag ladies. "Then women [in psychiatric hospitals]
were deinstitutionalized [by the state]," reports the director of Catholic
Social Services. "Then we got battered women and children who didn't have
anywhere to go."
Besides social
service programs, the church has also started or supported advocacy programs
aimed at changing unjust social structures through education, community
organizing, and lobbying. "It is not enough to take Mrs. Jones and her three
kids out knocking on doors trying to find her an apartment," explains the
director of Catholic Charities in Hartford. "Housing is a major problem and
needs legislative attention."
Sometimes these
advocacy groups are parish-based community groups. Some are coordinated out
of constituency-oriented offices like an office for black or Hispanic
Catholics. Sometimes they are centered in a peace and justice commission
whose aim might be "consciousness raising" among the public, especially
among Catholics. These programs can be very controversial because they
challenge the political and economic status quo. In Mobile, when Catholic
Charities "tried to do civil rights work directly, openly, there was a
direct effect on fund-raising," recalls the director.
As a result,
advocacy agencies are usually kept separate from service agencies like
Catholic Charities, lest they endanger the funding of traditional programs.
"Charities offices do a lot of begging," explains the San Antonio director.
"You can't make people mad and get their money. We're better off separate.
If the social justice people raise hell, that's tough. Be mad at them, don't
be mad at us." At the same time, the two often work informally together,
with the service agencies providing programs for those being represented by
the advocacy groups.
When the social
programs of an archdiocese are all added together, they often make the
church the largest provider of social services in the state, second only to
the state government itself. In Chicago, Catholic Charities has 192
services, an $80 million budget, and about 3,200 employees. If the spending
of independent Catholic agencies were included, the figure would be higher.
The New York director of Catholic Charities estimates that total spending on
Catholic social services in the archdiocese exceeds $1 billion a year, $600
million of which would be in hospitals.
The archbishop is
ultimately responsible for the social services done by the archdiocese. As
with the schools, his primary concern is over governance, finances, and
Catholicity. He is also concerned about how the programs fit into the
overall priorities of the archdiocese.
Governance
Catholic social
services are organized and governed in a variety of ways. Some programs,
like hospitals, are separately incorporated with their own boards of
directors. In the past, a majority of the board members and the
administrators would be religious, but today they are often lay. These
independent boards (which may or may not include the archbishop or his
representative) set policy, hire personnel, and are legally and financially
responsible for the program.
Some archdioceses
prefer independent organizations for which they are not legally or
financially responsible. Even a program started by an archdiocese might be
spun off as an independent entity. In Miami, Catholic Charities started a
program for runaway teenagers. "We found that the exposure to liability in
that program is so great," explains a Miami official, "that we separated the
program from our services. We're now running it independently." On the other
hand, if they are Catholic organizations, in the public mind they are often
identified with the archdiocese for good or ill.
If an independent
organization is self-funding and avoids controversy, the archbishop will
usually leave it alone. Although he lacks legal authority over separately
incorporated organizations, if they want archdiocesan money or his support
in getting outside funding, he can set conditions. For example, in
Philadelphia a Hungarian home for the aged was told it would have to accept
any Catholics, not just Hungarians, if it received archdiocesan money.
Likewise, in
Hartford, the archbishop sent the director of Catholic Charities as a
"consultant" to an institution that suddenly ran a $160,000 deficit after
having balanced budgets for years. "They view us as intruders giving them
advice that they don't necessarily want, like all wages have to be frozen,"
explains the director of Catholic Charities. "We are not trying to take them
over. We try to be as diplomatic as possible. Nobody wants to see them go
under, but nobody wants the diocese to suffer a major embarrassment either
because of significant indebtedness or poor management or whatever it might
be."
There are also
social programs under the direct legal control of the archbishop. The boards
of directors of these organizations would be advisory to the archbishop, who
would appoint their members. They would make recommendations on policy,
finances, and personnel, but he would have the final say. The budget of
these programs would be reviewed as part of the archdiocesan budgetary
process. New programs would need the archbishop's approval, especially if
they cost more money. The top administrators would be chosen or approved by
him or his representative.
During the 1960s
and 1970s there was a tremendous growth in the number and size of social
service programs. Greater resources and increased demands from the
environment stimulated diversification of services and expansion to new
clientele, as would be normal in any organization. Some agencies, especially
those that were self-financed, operated without much archdiocesan
supervision of their work and finances. As the number and size of these
organizations grew, archbishops began to worry about controlling these
complex multimillion dollar operations that seemed to be off doing their own
thing. They also feared that these organizations were losing their Catholic
identity. When government cutbacks forced these agencies to seek more and
more archdiocesan money, archbishops became concerned about controlling
costs, eliminating duplication, and coordinating services.
When the
directors of these programs reported directly to the archbishop, he rarely
had time to supervise them. Today, many archbishops have vicars or
secretaries for social services to coordinate and supervise all of the
social service programs of the archdiocese. Often (as in St. Paul) these
secretaries are also the directors of Catholic Charities, usually the
largest archdiocesan social service agency.
Catholic
Charities often acts as an umbrella for a variety of archdiocesan
organizations and programs. The staff of Catholic Charities might be
organized by geographical regions (e.g., different counties or vicariates)
or it might be organized by services (to children, to elderly, to homeless,
to parishes, etc.). It might also include administrative staff, such as a
business manager and grants writer.
"The desire of
the archbishop," explains one director of Catholic Charities, "is to
streamline the human services network of the diocese so that there is a
cleaner chain of command and greater accountability and better coordination
of services." It is usually through the budgetary process that the
archbishop or his delegate asserts control. Thus, if an organization wants
money, the archbishop requires them to report their activities and finances
to his vicar. Even if an agency is legally independent, its desire for
archdiocesan funds will often make it conform.
Besides financial
problems, complaints can also bring an organization to the attention of the
archbishop. Complaints may come from pastors, donors, employees, or clients
of the agency. If the complaints are serious and well founded, he acts on
them personally or through his administrators if the organization is under
his control. If it is an independent agency, he will try persuasion. If he
does not succeed, he may distance the archdiocese from any legal or
financial responsibility for the organization.
Finances
Catholic social
services is a multimillion dollar operation in all but the smallest
dioceses. Across the country, the total income to Catholic Charities
agencies (which do not include all Catholic social services) was over $600
million in 1986. The largest amount, 45 percent, comes from government fees
and grants. This is followed by church sources (20 percent), program service
fees (17 percent), and United Way (10 percent). Of the church money, less
than half comes from diocesan grants or the Catholic Charities appeal.
In archdioceses,
the pattern is similar. For example, the St. Paul Catholic Charities gets
only $800,000 of its $10 million budget from the archdiocese. In
Philadelphia, the Catholic Charities drive raises about $6 million from the
parishes and United Way provides another $2 million. With third party payers
and government contracts, this is parlayed into about $75 million. A few
Catholic Charities are almost totally dependent on the archdiocese for
funds. The Louisville Catholic Charities, for example, gets 90 percent of
its $1 million budget from the church.
Most
organizations do some fund-raising. The Catholic Charities in St. Paul
raises an additional $350,000 through a membership campaign. Certain
programs, like those dealing with children, raise money more easily than
others. Food and clothing drives can also receive popular support. If a
program has a popular cause and a charismatic leader, like Covenant House in
New York and Boys Town in Omaha, fund-raising is easier.
Some programs
(hospitals, nursing homes, counseling centers, adoption agencies) receive
some money in fees from the beneficiary, his insurance company, Medicare, or
Medicaid. Fees for people without insurance are usually based on the
person's income. But "there are always people who fall through the cracks,"
explains the director of Catholic Charities in New York. "If an illegal
alien gets sick and goes to the hospital, he has no money or insurance. He
can't apply for Medicaid; [the government would] toss him out of the
country. So there is always a certain amount of free care or charity care
for the poor."
Some programs can
get government grants or contracts. Often a government will fund the program
because it realizes that the church can do the program more cheaply and
efficiently, with less politics. Money for resettling refugees comes from
the federal government. "The bishop called me in April of 1975 and said,
`Vietnam has fallen. How many refugees can we take?'" recalls the Mobile
director of Catholic Charities. "I agreed to 100. We got 3,200."
A number of
states purchase services from Catholic Charities for delinquent or
handicapped children. "Primarily we get from the state government monies for
residential care of children--dependent, neglected, delinquent, abused
children," explains the St. Louis director of Catholic Charities. "These are
youngsters that the local juvenile court has taken into custody away from
their parents." Similarly, after a court case stopped Louisiana from
exporting mentally retarded children for treatment in Texas, the state asked
Catholic Charities to start a program for them. Also in New Orleans, "We use
about fifty of our schools for the federal program of giving hot lunches to
the elderly in the neighborhood," reports Archbishop Hannan. "The federal
government has asked us to begin a program of feeding 8,000 elderly in their
homes."
Low-interest
government loans have also financed numerous nursing homes and homes for the
aged. Low-cost housing run by the church agencies is also financed through
low-interest loans from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development
(HUD). In New Orleans the mayor told the archbishop that the city was not
going to do anything about housing and that he wanted the archdiocese to
take responsibility for it. Similarly, three cities near Seattle asked the
archdiocese to run low-income housing for the elderly, "because we
understand that you will be here and you won't disappear," they told the
director. In New Haven senior citizens asked the archdiocesan office of
urban affairs to take over the nutrition project for the elderly because it
had been politicized by city politicians.
Sometimes
Catholic Charities benefits from government programs because no one else
wants them. "We got the first Head Start programs, the first Neighborhood
Youth Corps programs going in Alabama," recalls the director of Catholic
Charities in Mobile. "We ran these programs when nobody else would touch
them." But in other places, Catholic Charities might have to compete with
other providers for the funds.
United Way also
funds some social programs run by the church, especially programs for
children, elderly, and families in need. The level of cooperation with
Catholic social services varies from community to community. The more
Catholic the area and the more professional the Catholic Charities, the more
likely it is to get major funding from United Way. In Indianapolis, the
archbishop gives a matching corporate contribution to United Way for
contributions from archdiocesan employees. Sometimes, as in Baltimore and
Los Angeles, the archdiocese agrees to not have a separate Catholic
Charities fund drive when it participates in United Way. Sometimes this
money goes to Catholic Charities as a block grant (as in Baltimore), in
other cities each program must apply individually.
The type of
programs funded varies from area to area because of local needs and the
preferences of the people in charge of the local United Way. For example,
Catholic Charities in Indianapolis and Omaha could not get United Way
funding for family counseling, whereas in Hartford, Catholic Family Services
gets about half its money from the sixteen United Ways in the archdiocese.
Some United Ways
are having nonprofits bid against each other. For example, a United Way will
say, "We have $100,000 for counseling. Who will provide the most hours of
counseling?" The competition for United Way money is getting fierce.
"Organizations that have traditionally been funded by government sources,"
explains the director of Catholic Charities in Hartford, "are beating down
the doors to get into United Way. But the fund drive is barely adequate to
keep pace with inflation for existing members." Sometimes the United Way
avoids controversy and supports traditional programs like Boy Scouts, Girl
Scouts, and recreational programs.
Some archdioceses
(like St. Louis) have made it clear that if Planned Parenthood gets funding
from United Way, they will withdraw from the program. In St. Paul, the
archdiocese does not request much United Way money for its unwed mother
program because, "if the United Way supports that too much, then the
abortion people will want their share," explains the director of Catholic
Charities. The Miami archdiocese has no such problem. "They are very
receptive to our needs," explains one church official. "The Catholic church
has a strong voice in Dade County."
In Philadelphia,
United Way and the archdiocese had an agreement that it would not fund
anything in conflict with the teaching of the church. "Some
feminist-abortion groups screamed that we were controlling United Way,"
recalls Cardinal Krol. They pushed United Way to adopt "optional giving"
whereby the donor can indicate what institution he wants his money to go to.
We wrote to
United Way that we did not want the change. But they pressured, so we
yielded. The fact of the matter is that the optional funding has benefited
no one as much as the Catholics. So they had the nerve to come and ask
whether we would want to back away from it.
We said, "Look,
this was not part of our agreement. You proposed it, we objected. Finally,
for your sake, we agreed. Now you are asking us to damage ourselves by
pulling away. We will not do it."
Programs funded
by the archdiocese are often programs that no one else will fund. For
example, many residents oppose shelters or soup kitchens because they
encourage "undesirables" to stay in their neighborhoods. Politicians will
back away from such opposition. In addition, advocacy programs that
challenge the political and economic status quo are not popular. In Seattle,
the Hispanic Legal Action office is funded with money raised by the
archbishop.
Sometimes an
archdiocese will temporarily finance a program until it gets started and can
find other funding. For example, Catholic Charities in St. Louis opened a
halfway house for alcoholic women with archdiocesan money in the hope that
others would pick up the funding. The San Francisco Catholic Charities
opened a shelter for homeless youths. "Public funding wouldn't touch it,
they wanted nothing to do with these kids," explains the director. "We ran
it for two years on a nickel and a dime. This was a church basement
operation, yet every night it sheltered 20 kids who, if they weren't with
us, were going to be out in the street turning tricks." After proving that
the program could work, they got the state government to fund it. "If we can
prove the effectiveness of a program, we get the public sector to buy it,"
he says. "Then we get to move our limited charity dollars over to whatever
the next thing is that needs doing."
An archdiocese
will also fund programs with a special Catholic character. In St. Paul, the
annual appeal funded a program for unwed mothers, a social justice program,
and the divorced and separated center. It is difficult to get nonchurch
money to finance parish outreach programs. Offices for black Catholics,
Hispanics, and other ethnic groups are usually funded by the archdiocese
because they deal with both social and religious concerns. In Newark, the
archdiocese funds religious education programs for the handicapped done by
Catholic Community Services. Likewise, in Louisville, church funding
supported a parish outreach program and a pastoral ministry to the sick and
elderly.
Finances
determine to some extent what social services are provided by the church. If
outside funding can be found for a program, the archbishop will rarely
object to it unless he fears being stuck with the program when the funding
ceases. Some people complain that some agencies will do programs that can
get funded rather than programs that meet needs. One director described an
agency that had been providing elderly care for fifteen years. When funding
for elderly care was cut, "they started looking around" and found the state
was willing to fund a program for latch-key children. "Because they need
money to survive, they will go where the money is," he says.
But expensive
programs without outside funding are a problem. A number of Catholic
Charities have de-emphasized one-on-one counseling. "You just can't afford
to do that," explains the St. Paul director. "It is too expensive." On the
other hand, some archdioceses, like Baltimore, have been able to keep their
counseling programs because of fees and funding through United Way. St.
Louis recently opened a family counseling center in an affluent section of
the archdiocese that is financed by the local parishes.
Some archdioceses
had to admit that they could not afford to provide adequate services to the
handicapped. San Antonio Catholic Charities, after funding a one-person
office for the disabled for a few years, concluded that an office without
supporting staff was "just a front." The position was transferred to the
religious education office so it could hire a specialist on religious
education of the handicapped. "It is all we can do," explains the director
of Catholic Charities. "There are a lot of city, state, and county programs
for the handicapped." Programs requiring large professional staffs require
money from government and other sources.
Money from
government sources is never certain. "Government ideas change," explains
Bishop Martin Lohmuller, vicar general of Philadelphia. "If the government
decides that it is going to provide these services directly instead of
purchasing them from voluntary agencies, then we are just out of business."
Most Catholic Charities were hurt by Reagan administration cutbacks. "We
have experienced $2 to $3 million in cuts since 1982," reports the director
of Catholic Charities in New Orleans. "Before 1982, 90 percent of our money
was from the government and about 8 percent from United Way. Now we are
running about 70 to 80 percent government, 8 percent United Way, and the
rest of the money we raise ourselves."
A reduction in
government funding can be devastating for individual programs. The
Connecticut department of mental health gave the Hartford Catholic Charities
a grant for services to Hispanics. "They cut the grant," reports the
director, "we cut the service." Sometimes an archdiocese can keep a program
going temporarily. "If we see a deficit and we know six months from now
there is going to be another source of revenue," says the Hartford director
of Charities, "then we scramble like the dickens to keep that program alive
for six months until the other flow starts. But if we look down the pike and
don't see anything coming, that program goes."
When the state
told the Newark director of Catholic Community Services that it was no
longer going to fully fund a residential program for eighteen
deinstitutionalized persons, she told them she would close it. "They didn't
believe I was going to give up $100,000," she recalls. But keeping the
program would require taking $15,000 to $20,000 from other programs that she
felt had a higher priority. "We closed the program. The end result was they
gave me almost as much money to do other kinds of things and the people have
been put into boarding houses."
Similarly in New
York, "We have closed six or seven child care centers since the 1970s," says
the director of Catholic Charities.
They are just
losing money and they are not going to be able to recoup. You can cut staff,
but if you cut staff to the point where you are not providing quality
service, it doesn't make sense. There are 10,000 children under care today.
Fifteen years ago, we had 50,000.
Philadelphia had
the same experience where, because of federal block grants to the state,
"the money allocated for child care is becoming more limited," reports the
director of Catholic Social Services. Despite the needs of battered and
abused children, "we closed a lot of specialized programs. Anything that
required psychiatric supervision and therapy. They are costly services. I am
not going to cut the quality of service, so we end up cutting the number
that are served."
Outside funding
can also mean outside control. The administrator of Catholic Charities in
Chicago describes the typical pattern in dealing with state funding:
They always come
in very good the first year, because nobody else has done it and we are
willing to take it on. The third year, the government is starting to get
finicky with a lot of red tape about it. Then the fifth year, the government
wants to run it themselves.
The Chicago
Catholic Charities had serious disagreements with the state department of
family and children services. "They are underfunded, so they would do a more
shallow intervention with children than we would want to do," explains the
administrator of Catholic Charities. And "we have a family orientation. Some
of our programs return 90 percent of the kids to their families within
eighteen months. The state is much more towards severing parents' rights.
Unfortunately, it often comes through as a power struggle or a financial
struggle, but the root of the thing has been a philosophical struggle."
In New York there
was conflict between the city and the archdiocese over Executive Order 50,
which prohibited funding to organizations discriminating against
homosexuals. "We are not concerned about how many homosexuals are in the
program," explained Bishop O'Keefe, then vicar general. "We never ask
anybody. The question is, who is going to run these agencies?" Similarly,
there have been court challenges to giving preference to Catholic parents in
the adoption of Catholic children.
Catholicity
Recently many
archbishops have become concerned about the Catholic character of the social
services provided by their archdioceses. All archbishops would agree that
Catholic agencies should not be involved in activities contrary to church
teaching. In a counseling center, for example, Catholic identity requires
"that nobody who works there will counsel children in a way that would
violate Catholic teaching," explained Bishop O'Keefe. "You don't have to
believe, but you can't send kids to an abortion mill." Likewise, in
Hartford, the Catholic Charities must check with the archbishop before
allowing anyone other than a validly married Catholic couple to adopt a
Catholic child.
Some social
programs downplayed their religious character or their church connections in
order to get outside money. "Because 80 percent of our dollars came from
government funding," explains the director of Catholic Community Services in
Newark, "people became intimidated or felt that we had an obligation to
somehow deny our church orientation. I absolutely disagree. We help people
on a nonsectarian basis, we hire people on a nonsectarian basis, but we are
a church organization."
Some intimidation
can come from government funding sources. One archbishop was asked to sign a
statement that his religious faith had nothing to do with the social
services provided by the archdiocese. He was also asked to change the name
of the St. Vincent de Paul Society to Mr. Vincent de Paul. He refused.
Some programs can
remain very professional but lose their Catholic character when the
religious staff is replaced by a lay personnel, as occurred in the
children's institutions in St. Louis. "There are no religious in them, and
they have forgotten about teaching religion," complains the director of
Catholic Charities, who recently got the school office to set up a religious
education program for these institutions.
Some Catholic
social service programs have large numbers of non-Catholic employees (for
example, one third of the Catholic Charities employees in Chicago).
Questions are being raised about hiring personnel solely on their
professional competence without considering their religion and values. For
example, in Mobile, when the Catholic Charities board was considering
candidates for a counseling position, the Episcopalian chairman of the board
asked if they were Christians. Some professionals "would never dream of
asking that question of an employee," complains Archbishop Lipscomb. "They
tell you, `That's unprofessional.' Well, it is also un-Catholic to do it the
other way, and we are first Catholic social services."
Most archbishops
support running social service programs under Catholic auspices because they
believe that helping people in need is required by the gospel. They also
recognize that social programs can present a good image of the church to the
community. When Archbishop Hurley arrived in Anchorage, Catholic social
services was a one-nun operation. "We were asked to take over the state care
of the handicapped because that had failed twice," he recalls. "I was very
eager because the church needs to be out in the public as part of the
community serving the community. Having shown that we could do it, we were
the targets for `Could you do more if you had the money?' I kept saying
yes."
But some talk of
only doing programs that are "Catholic," although this is never clearly
defined. For some it appears to mean programs that flow from the pro-life
concerns of the bishops, while for others it means programs that respond to
the preferential option for the poor. Sometimes it means programs that are
aimed at the parishes. But it rarely would mean that the beneficiaries are
only Catholic. In Chicago, for example, Catholic Charities estimates that 65
to 75 percent of its caseload is non-Catholic.
For many involved
in social services, their Catholic character comes more from motivation and
spirituality than from the mechanics of the programs. As a result,
indoctrination and formation of new employees becomes important, as do
opportunities to articulate and celebrate shared Christian values. This
becomes particularly important when staffs become predominantly lay and when
there are large turnovers in personnel.
At the same time
they are concerned about the Catholic character of these programs, many
archbishops also see social services as an area of ecumenical cooperation.
It is not unusual for non-Catholics to be involved with Catholic Charities.
The chairman of the board in Mobile is an Episcopalian, as is the director
of Catholic Charities in San Francisco. Cooperation also occurs with
Protestant and Jewish social service agencies. In Los Angeles, one shelter
for the homeless operates as a partnership of twelve different
organizations. "The county provided two wings of a hospital; the state and
United Way provided some money," explains the director of Catholic
Charities. "The southern California ecumenical council provides volunteers,
the Disciples of Christ provides transportation, Travelers Aid and Lutheran
Social Services provide intake, Jewish Family Services provides job
development, and we provide fiscal management and staffing."
Serving the Parishes
Many Catholic
social services programs are run independently without any relation to other
archdiocesan programs, including the parishes. This is especially true of
agencies and institutions run by professionals who get most of their money
from fees, contracts, and grants so that they have little financial
dependence on the archdiocese. In many archdioceses, these agencies are
being challenged and asked what they do for the parishes, especially when
they seek archdiocesan money.
Pastors often
complain that although millions of dollars are being spent on social
services, the programs never help them. "We don't need institutional
programs," pastors told the director of Catholic Charities in New Orleans.
"We don't know what to do with women and children when they appear at the
rectory at night with no place to go." The director responded by installing
a 24-hour hotline to meet their needs. "We take the person off the hands of
the priest that night and work out some solution the next day."
Many charities
directors are responding to complaints from pastors by stressing parish
outreach in their programs. In Newark, a parish outreach coordinator, whom
pastors could call for information and referrals, was hired for each county.
In addition, social concerns coordinators were hired who "spend 90 percent
of their time out in the parishes talking to social concerns groups, talking
to deaneries, and the like."
The National
Conference of Catholic Charities also developed a parish-outreach program.
"It does an assessment of the parish, what the strengths and weaknesses are,
what are their resources, and what can you do to match these things,"
explains the St. Paul director who was the president of the National
Conference of Catholic Charities. "It works wonderfully well, then they
change the pastor. You get some top-down SOB in there who throws it all out.
It is frustrating as hell."
Parish outreach
involves the education and training of volunteers in parish social concerns
committees, St. Vincent de Paul societies, or other groups attempting to
help people in need. Outreach coordinators connect these parish groups with
archdiocesan agencies that can help them or whom they can help. In New York,
for example, the department of aging in Catholic Charities is "working with
over 140 parishes in their senior citizens program," says the director. "It
is a whole range of programs--nutritional, recreational, transport
services."
In addition, many
archdioceses, rather than having all of their staffs "downtown," have opened
offices in parishes. In Philadelphia, Catholic Social Services pays the
salaries of social workers in inner-city parishes. Baltimore has a
counseling program based in about sixty parishes that operates mostly in the
evening for family counseling.
Archbishop
The archbishop is
ultimately responsible for archdiocesan social services, but he usually has
no expertise in the area. One Catholic Charities director recalls a
conversation he had with an archbishop on the relation between bishops and
Catholic Charities. The archbishop said,
The trouble is, a
bishop is supposed to be a [expletive deleted] know-it-all. We all went to
Catholic schools, we understand that. We all went to Catholic seminaries,
and we all understand that. Most of us have worked in tribunals and we
understand that.
Most of us have
never been inside Catholic Charities. We do not know anything about that, so
we are suspicious of it, we are afraid of it, we want to leave it alone, we
are benign. If we are not benign, we want to take it over and control it.
Few archbishops
(Cooke, Mahony, Stafford) have experience in Catholic social services. A few
archbishops, like Archbishop Hannan of New Orleans, are very active in
promoting social services. But in most archdioceses, the archbishop pays
little attention to the social service programs except when they want money
or when they get into controversy. If the archbishop has a secretary for
social services or a director of Catholic Charities whom he trusts and a
board that does its work responsibly, he will usually let them do what they
think best.
The St. Paul
director of Catholic Charities, who has the confidence of his archbishop,
explains the kinds of things he would take to the archbishop:
Anything that is
controversial, we check with him, like the service to gays and lesbians. Or
where we need his clout for financial backing. We remodeled the children's
home for $3 million. He gave a token $75,000, then we said to the
foundations that the diocese is doing what it can.
The day-to-day
operation, he doesn't get involved in. He doesn't want to, and he doesn't
need to. We alert him to potential PR problems. Some of the stuff we get
into can be very controversial in the diocese, just so he is aware of it.
In most
archdioceses, if social services wants to start a major new program, it will
have to get the archbishop's approval. Frequently he will ask if anyone else
is doing it. "We don't want to duplicate services," explains Archbishop
Flores of San Antonio. "The first thing we ask is, `Is anyone else doing it?
Do we need to get involved? Can we afford to get involved because we are
involved in other things?'" The archbishop's permission will also be needed
for borrowing money.
Some archbishops,
like Archbishop Hannan, are real activists in pushing and developing social
service programs. Because the mayor of New Orleans told him that the city
was going to do nothing about low-income housing, Archbishop Hannan put the
archdiocese heavily into housing, including 6,000 apartments for elderly. In
addition, the archdiocese was asked to take over six low-income housing
projects that were being poorly run by the local housing authority. On the
other hand, Cardinal Krol in Philadelphia opposed involvement in low-income
housing lest the church end up looking like a slum landlord.
Other
archbishops, after taking office, have changed the directions of social
service programs in their archdioceses. For example, Cardinal Hickey found
that Catholic Charities was doing little for the blacks in Washington, DC.
Its adoption service had not even sponsored any black babies. In addition,
the professionals running the agency were more interested in counseling
services than in soup kitchens and shelters. He, on the other hand, felt the
program should serve the poorest of the poor.
Some archbishops
are also important spokesmen on social issues. When American Motors
announced the closing of a Milwaukee plant with 6,000 workers, the
archdiocesan social concerns delegate came to the archbishop. "He asked,
`Would you be willing to make a statement with the governor asking American
Motors to sit down with the employees?'" recalls Archbishop Weakland. "I
said, `Great idea.' Then he does the rest of the work and I get in front of
the cameras and get all the praise." Similarly, in New York, Cardinal
O'Connor called for a moratorium on the conversion of single-occupancy
hotels to condominiums.
Conclusion
Catholic
education and Catholic social services are two of the largest programs in an
archdiocese. As large complex organizations, they require sophisticated
management of their finances and programs. In simpler days, the archbishop
might have gotten involved in the direct supervision of programs, but today
he is usually forced to act through a superintendent of schools, a director
of religious education, or a director of Catholic Charities who is more
knowledgeable and experienced then he is. As a result, if these people do
not have his trust, they will soon be replaced.
Nevertheless, the
archbishop would become involved in approving any major change in policy
affecting these programs, especially programs that would require
archdiocesan funds or directly impact on pastors or other important
constituencies. Anything that would cause a major controversy, the
archbishop wants to know about ahead of time. No archbishop wants to learn
about something for the first time from the newspaper.
The control
mechanism most frequently used by the archbishop in overseeing archdiocesan
programs is the budgetary process. At budget time, agency directors must
report on their programs and answer questions. Here the archbishop can set
priorities by favoring one program with funds rather than another. But in
the normal course of events, the changes are incremental rather than
drastic.
Many of the
factors examined in this chapter when discussing education and social
services are also important when examining other archdiocesan programs. The
issues of governance, finances, and Catholicity are important for every
program. In addition, the role of middle managers at the cabinet level are
becoming common for other areas besides education and Catholic social
services. Finally, in all areas of church governance, consultation and
conflict avoidance are important.
Not surprisingly,
the Catholicity of archdiocesan programs is a major concern of archbishops
and their top staff. A secular social service or educational program, while
good in itself, is not enough. The programs must be in keeping with the
teachings of the church and reflect gospel values. The concern for orthodoxy
has been reinforced by Rome in its dealings with the American hierarchy, as
will be seen in the next chapter.
Footnotes
1. "General
Summary: Complete Statistics for Archdioceses and Dioceses of the United
States," The Official Catholic Directory 1988 (New York: P. J. Kenedy
& Son, 1988).
2. J. Stephen
O'Brien, Mixed Messages: What Bishops and Priests Say about Catholic
Schools (Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational Association,
1987), 59-75.
3. Thomas P.
Walters, National Profile of Professional Religious Education
Coordinators/Directors (Washington, DC: National Conference of Diocesan
Directors of Religious Education, 1983), 56.
4. The Third
Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884) legislated that a school commission
should be established in each diocese, but prior to the 1960s few dioceses
had active boards. For a history of diocesan school boards, see M. Lourdes
Sheehan, R.S.M., "A Study of the Functions of School Boards in the
Educational System of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States,"
(Dissertation at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1981),
52ff.
5. Walters,
National Profile, 10-11.
6. M. Lourdes
Sheehan, R.S.M., "Policies and Practices of Governance and Accountability,"
in Personnel Issues and the Catholic Administrator, ed. J. Stephen
O'Brien and Margaret McBrien, R.S.M. (Washington, DC: National Catholic
Educational Association, 1986), 1.
7. Theodore
Drahmann, FSC, Governance and Administration in the Catholic School,
NCEA Keynote Series No. 5 (Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational
Association, 1985), 15.
8. Robert J.
Kealey, FSC, Curriculum in the Catholic School, NCEA Keynote Series
No. 9 (Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational Association, 1985).
9. Medard Shea,
C.F.X., "Personnel Selection," in Personnel Issues and the Catholic
School Administrator, ed. O'Brien and McBrien, 13-33. Also, Francis
Raftery, SC, The Teacher in the Catholic School, NCEA Keynote Series
No. 8 (Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational Association, 1985).
10. Edwin J.
McDermott, S.J., Distinctive Qualities of the Catholic School, NCEA
Keynote Series No. 1 (Washington, DC: National Educational Association,
1985).
11. Muriel Young,
C.D.P., "New Wine in New Wineskins: Challenge to Administrators," in
Personnel Issues and the Catholic School Administrator, ed. O'Brien and
McBrien, 65-70.
12. Terence
McLaughlin, Catholic School Finance and Church-State Relations, NCEA
Keynote Series 5 (Washington, DC: National Catholic Education Association,
1985).
13. O'Brien,
Mixed Messages, 77.
14. John J.
Augenstein and Mary O'Leary, O.S.U., "Just Salaries and Benefits," in
Personnel Issues and the Catholic School Administrator, ed. O'Brien and
McBrien, 35-64.
15. O'Brien,
Mixed Messages, 77.
16. Ibid., 78.
17. The
Official Catholic Directory 1988.
18. "1986 Social
Services and Social Action Summary, Catholic Charities USA" and 1986
Annual Survey Catholic Charities USA (Washington, DC: Catholic Charities
USA, Undated [1987?]).
19. 1986
Annual Survey Catholic Charities USA, 2-3.
20. James D.
Thompson, Organizations in Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967),
46-48.
21. 1986
Annual Survey Catholic Charities USA, 6-7.
22. Alexandra
Peeler, Parish Social Ministry: A Vision and Resource (Washington,
DC: National Conference of Catholic Charities, 1985).
Chapter 8: Beyond the Archdiocese
The hardest
part of my job is to be sandwiched between Roman orders and my people and
priests' hopes and ideals.
Archbishop Weakland
I say no to
altar girls. Oh God, what troubles I get into by saying no to altar girls.
Archbishop Lipscomb
A bishop's
primary concern is the internal governance of his local church, but what
happens in his local church can be affected by church institutions outside
his diocese. Decisions made by church organs, especially the Vatican and the
National Conference of Catholic Bishops, can sometimes be binding on the
bishop.
Bishops, as
successors of the apostles, are also responsible for the welfare of the
whole church, not just their dioceses. By their participation in various
church organs (ecumenical councils, Roman synods, national conferences,
Vatican congregations), bishops help in the governance of the entire
church./1 Cardinals and archbishops exercise this responsibility to a
greater extent than other bishops. As a result, archbishops are both
governors and governed.
Province Metropolitan
What makes an
archbishop different from a bishop is that he is a metropolitan, the head of
an ecclesiastical province that contains his archdiocese and one or more
dioceses. More than half of the thirty-one provinces in the United States
have boundaries coextensive with those of a single state (Alaska, Florida,
Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,
New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin).
Only California has more than one province (part of Maryland is in the
province of Washington, DC). The remaining provinces contain more than one
state.
The metropolitan
has practically no power over the diocesan bishops in his province who are
called suffragans. He is involved primarily in ceremonial functions such as
attending the celebration of anniversaries or the installations and burials
of bishops in his province. "You go over and show the archbishop's flag on
those occasions when they have special events and ceremonies," explains
Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile whose province includes Alabama and
Mississippi.
If a problem
arises in a diocese in his province, the archbishop may get involved.
Priests of the diocese might complain to him, or he might be approached by
the pro-nuncio for information. He might also take the initiative and brings
things to the attention of the pro-nuncio. "It is up to me to inform the
pro-nuncio if a bishop is getting ill," says Archbishop Hannan of New
Orleans. "I always talk to the bishop first and tell him what I am going to
do because you have to get his cooperation." But if the bishop does not want
to resign or take the archbishop's advice, there is nothing the metropolitan
can do about it.
Archbishop Hannan
as metropolitan of Louisiana was very active behind the scenes in Lafayette,
LA, where a priest admitted to sexually abusing thirty-five children and was
sentenced to twenty years in jail. Fourteen families sued the diocese, whose
insurance companies eventually paid them an undisclosed sum that was
estimated to be as high as $5 or $10 million. It became impossible for the
local bishop to deal with this crisis, because he had transferred the priest
to his current parish after knowing of his involvement in an earlier
incident. The bishop, who had sent the priest to a psychiatrist, admitted
making a mistake in not recognizing the depth of the priest's illness.
Archbishop Hannan
became involved because the Vatican wanted to avoid the publicity that would
surround a criminal trial. "My job was to see that the right steps were
taken to make sure that there wasn't any trial," says Archbishop Hannan. He
visited the priest in jail and convinced him to accept a plea bargain.
In addition,
after the diocese settled with the parents, the insurance companies began
arguing about who should pay what. The crimes occurred over a number of
years when different companies were insuring the diocese. Each company
wanted someone else to pay. One source says that Archbishop Hannan brought
representatives of the insurance companies together in his office and told
them they were not leaving until they agreed on a settlement. They settled.
A metropolitan
can also come to the defense of his suffragan bishops. Archbishop Borders of
Baltimore, whose province includes Virginia, objected to Rome's proposal for
a visitation or investigation of the diocese of Richmond by a Vatican
official. He argued that if a visitation was necessary, it should be done by
an American bishop. Ultimately is was done by Archbishop May of St. Louis.
The bishops of a
province meet under the chairmanship of the archbishop to draw up the
provincial list of episcopal candidates (see chapter 1). The provinces also
set up provincial tribunals to review annulments as was called for by the
new code of canon law. Some provinces also work on other common projects.
But bishops usually work under the auspices of state Catholic conferences,
which are composed of all the bishops of one state.
State Catholic Conference
Bishops gather
one or more times a year as a state conference usually chaired by the
archbishop./2 As a state conference, they can develop common policies and
programs aimed at both religious and public concerns. Normally decisions are
made by consensus rather than by vote. The state conference may have a small
staff (one to fifteen employees) including a lobbyist who works in the state
capital. Additional staff work is often done by committees made up of
officials (chancellors, superintendents of schools, directors of Catholic
Charities) from the various dioceses in the state. They might also invite
outside experts and observers to attend their meetings. As a regular
practice, some include representatives from priests' councils at their
meetings.
In the religious
sphere, a conference might develop common programs and policies on
sacramental preparation, faculties, the implementation of canon law, etc.
Less confusion and problems exist when these policies are the same for the
entire state. For example, if one diocese requires attendance at an
extensive marriage preparation program, while its neighbor does not,
problems can arise. Some conferences have agreed on a common policy for
dealing with holy days that fall on Saturdays or Mondays.
Joint pastoral
letters have also been issued by state conferences. The California
conference wrote one on AIDS; the Texas conference did one on pastoral care
of Hispanic immigrants and another on the sacrament of reconciliation; the
Louisiana conference published one on social ministry and another on
creationism. After the NCCB pastoral letter on the economy, the Kentucky,
Maryland, and West Virginia conferences issued their own pastoral letters on
the economies in their states.
Other
conferences, such as California and Michigan, developed common services like
health and liability insurance or retirement plans. The dioceses of
Louisiana join together in running a three-day conference for their new
principals each year.
State conferences
also focus on public policy concerns. State conference lobbyists represent
the bishops before the legislature in twenty-seven state capitals. State
laws governing zoning, building codes, bingo, tax exemptions, private
education, churches, hospitals, and social agencies can have a direct impact
on activities of church organizations. The state of Nebraska, for example,
requires every high school to have a vocational program. Catholic college
preparatory schools must get a waiver every year from this requirement.
State money for Catholic schools (textbooks, busing) or programs run by
Catholic social service agencies would also be high on the agenda.
State conferences
of bishops have also taken positions on numerous public policy issues that
do not directly impinge on church institutions. Often the conferences are
applying to the state level positions that have been taken by the National
Conference of Catholic Bishops. For example, numerous state conferences have
opposed capital punishment and public funding of abortions in their states.
Frequently a conference will make a statement on citizen responsibility
prior to an election. Conferences have also taken positions on state
legislation dealing with brain death, living wills, surrogate mothers,
homosexual bill of rights, public school health clinics, sex education,
welfare reform, shelters for the homeless, public housing, the farm crisis,
migrant workers, prostitution, criminal justice system, pornography, etc.
Finally, meeting
either as a province or a conference allows the bishops to discuss various
concerns in an informal way. Some conferences also sponsor spiritual
retreats for bishops or even time to relax together. In all of this, the
archbishop can play a leadership role in developing consensus among the
other bishops. If he prefers to act alone, the state conference will do
little. If he opposes an action, the province or state conference is
unlikely to act.
NCCB/USCC
All the American
bishops meet once or twice a year as the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops and the U.S. Catholic Conference (NCCB/USCC) to deal with religious
and public issues of common concern. Retired bishops cannot vote, but all
other prelates have an equal vote except on financial issues, where only
diocesan bishops (and not auxiliaries) can vote. The bishops elect a
president and vice-president who act as conference spokesmen on national and
international issues during their three-year terms. These officers are
almost always archbishops.
When writing its
pastoral letters on peace and on economic justice, the NCCB received wide
attention in the news media. The bishops have also made public statements on
Central America, South Africa, the Middle East, Northern Ireland, the church
in Communist countries, racism, capital punishment, health care, abortion,
the Equal Rights Amendment, care for the terminally ill, food stamps,
Medicaid, education, homelessness, international debt, immigration, tax
reform, labor relations, etc.
A great deal of
their time, however, is devoted to church issues, like ecumenism, Catholic
education, evangelization, family ministry, Hispanic ministry, catechetics,
women in the church, liturgy, and sacramental practice. The NCCB, with the
approval of the Vatican, can set policy that is binding on all the bishops.
Matters that are binding on the bishops require a two-thirds vote.
Before an item is
voted on by the bishops, it is normally considered in committee. Sometimes
the committees themselves issue statements rather than bringing the question
to the entire body of bishops. The NCCB and USCC have standing committees
and ad hoc committees to deal with various concerns: budget, liturgy,
doctrine, pastoral practice, canon law, farm labor, Hispanics, missions,
ecumenism, laity, pro-life, priestly life, priestly formation, vocations,
Latin America, permanent diaconate, women, education, communications, social
development, and world peace. Also, an administrative affairs committee
draws up the agenda for the conference meetings and makes policy when the
conference is not in session. Committee work can be very time consuming when
a major document is being prepared, especially for the chairmen.
The committees
and leadership of the conference are helped by the bishops' staff based in
Washington, DC. The staff is headed by a general secretary and has experts
on issues of concern to the bishops: public relations, liturgy, doctrine,
church finances, education, priestly life and formation, civil and canon
law, domestic and international affairs, etc.
Some archbishops
play a larger role in the bishops' conference than others. Officers of the
conference, like Archbishops May (president) and Pilarczyk (vice president),
play a very active role, as do former presidents of the conference:
Cardinals Krol and Bernardin and archbishops Quinn and Roach. Archbishop
Kelly, as a former general secretary of the conference, is also influential.
Others, like Archbishop Weakland and Cardinal O'Connor, have been chairmen
of major committees.
On the other
hand, some who would have liked to play a larger role in the conference have
not been supported by the other bishops. In the past, Cardinal Spellman of
New York was kept from having much influence in the conference although he
was very influential in Rome under Pius XII. More recently, Cardinal Law of
Boston and Archbishop Mahony of Los Angeles were defeated in 1986 when their
names were put on the ballot for positions in the conference. Both men were
seen as challenging the current direction of the conference. Some also
feared that they would be more interested in the views of Vatican officials
than in the views of their fellow bishops. The following year, however,
Archbishop Mahony was elected chairman of the committee on international
affairs.
International Responsibilities
American bishops
are involved with issues that affect the Catholic church throughout the
world. Individually and through their national conference, they have been
supportive of local churches experiencing difficulties in Latin America,
Asia, and Eastern Europe. They normally avoid saying anything on a topic
affecting these churches without checking with them. For example, they
wanted to know what the bishops of South Africa thought about divestiture
before they made a statement. They also give financial assistance to poor
churches around the world individually or through agencies such as the
Catholic Relief Services and the Propagation of the Faith. Bishops have also
sent their priests to mission lands.
The American
hierarchy frequently interacts with the Holy See, which is responsible for
central governance in the church. Those who were bishops during the Second
Vatican Council acted, with the pope, as the supreme governing body of the
Catholic church. They played an important role at the Council in pushing
though the decree on religious liberty. For most of the American bishops,
the Council was an educational and spiritual experience that influenced the
rest of their years as bishops.
Although councils
are extremely rare, the synod of bishops, which advises the pope, meets
every three years or when called to Rome by the pope. Four American bishops
are usually elected by their peers to attend the synod. In addition, the
pope usually appoints two or more Americans. Attending the 1987 Synod on the
Laity as elected representatives were Cardinal Bernardin, Archbishops
Weakland and May, and Bishop Ott. Appointed to the synod were Archbishop
Mahony and the-Bishop Bevilacqua.
In the past,
other archbishops elected to synods have included Carberry, Dearden, Flores,
Krol, Quinn, Roach, Sanchez, Stafford, Whealon, and Wright. Papal appointees
have included cardinals Baum, Cooke, Krol, Law, Manning, Szoka, Wright, and
archbishops Martin O'Connor, Quinn, and Weakland (when he was an abbot).
Cardinal Bernardin has attended almost every synod since 1974 and has been
elected by those at the synod to plan future synods as a member of the
council on the synod.
Although the
synodal meetings are closed, press briefings and leaks reveal some of what
goes on. In 1980 at the synod on the family, American bishops were
especially concerned about defending their tribunals, which were under
attack for granting large numbers of annulments. Archbishop Quinn also came
under attack when he gave a speech that was interpreted as calling for a
rethinking of the church's prohibition against artificial birth ./3 At the
1987 synod on the laity, American bishops were joined by bishops from around
the world in urging a greater role for women in the church, but their views
did not make it into the final document.
American
cardinals and a few archbishops serve on Vatican congregations that help
govern the whole church./4 Cardinal William Baum, prefect of the
Congregation for Seminaries and Institutes for Study, is the only American
cardinal working full time in Rome. He is a member of a number of Vatican
congregations, councils, and agencies. In addition, Archbishop Paul C.
Marcinkus is involved in administering the Vatican bank and the Vatican
state. Archbishop Justin Rigali is president of the Pontifical
Ecclesiastical Academy, and Archbishop John P. Foley is president of the
Pontifical Council for Social Communications.
Despite the
Vatican bank scandal, Archbishop Marcinkus is still one of the most
influential Americans in Rome. Cardinal Baum and Archbishop Rigali are also
important Americans in Rome. Archbishop Rigali worked closely with the pope
on the speeches he gave while visiting the United States in 1987.
Cardinals
residing in the United States also serve on Vatican congregations and
councils, but their involvement is less than those who work full time in
Rome. As mentioned in chapter 1, Cardinal O'Connor of New York is on the
Congregation for Bishops and the Council for Social Communications. Cardinal
Bernardin of Chicago is on the congregations dealing with liturgy and
evangelization and the Council for Christian unity. Cardinal Krol of
Philadelphia is on the congregations for clergy and the oriental churches.
He also advises the office of economic affairs. Cardinal Law of Boston and
Cardinal Manning of Los Angeles served on the Congregation for Institutes of
Consecrated Life. Cardinal Law is also on the Congregation for
Evangelization of Peoples. Cardinal Hickey of Washington is on the
Congregation for Seminaries and Institutes of Study and the one for
canonization of saints.
A few archbishops
also serve on congregations: Archbishop O'Meara of Indianapolis is on the
Congregation for Evangelization of Peoples, Archbishop Mahony of Los Angeles
on the pontifical councils for justice and peace and for migrants.
The actual work
of non-Roman members of the congregations is not great. "They have periodic
meetings and you have to prepare for those meetings, but there isn't a lot
of ongoing work," says Cardinal Bernardin. Members not residing in Rome
usually attend only about one meeting a year. "The one that really requires
more," says the cardinal, "is the Council of the Synod, because you have to
meet two or three times a year, and you have to prepare for it."
In fact, the
American archbishops have devoted more time to ad hoc work for the Holy See
than working on permanent Vatican congregations. For example, while an
archbishop, Hickey conducted the visitation of the Seattle archdiocese for
the Vatican. And as chancellor of the Catholic University of America, he has
been prominent in dealing with Rev. Charles Curran, the moral theologian.
Cardinal Bernardin, Cardinal O'Connor, and Archbishop Quinn spent countless
hours resolving the Seattle controversy which will be explained below.
Archbishop Quinn of San Francisco also worked tirelessly as chairman of the
papal commission on religious life in the United States of which Archbishop
Kelly of Louisville was also a member.
Other bishops
spent months visiting seminaries and reporting on their condition. Cardinal
Krol has been an advisor to the pope on Vatican finances and has worked
raising money for Poland. Cardinal Law is on the papal commission
responsible for writing an international catechism. Archbishop Kelly chaired
the committee that planned the pope's 1987 visit.
Relations with Rome
But most
archbishops' experience with the Vatican is as the governed rather than as
participants. When appointed, all bishops take an oath of loyalty to the
pope. "I take that very seriously," says Archbishop Kelly. "I also take
seriously my responsibilities to the pastoral needs of my people. I am the
bishop here. I am not an animated instrument of someone else. But I look to
him for example, and he gives forceful example to me by the way he preaches
and by his personal holiness. I wish I could be as good as he is."
Some archbishops
stress that they are responsible to the pope and not to Vatican officials.
"One of the secrets of the Catholic church is how independent the bishop
is," says Archbishop Whealon of Hartford. "And he should be, he is a
successor of the apostles. He really isn't under Peter's advisors, or
Peter's helpers, he is under Peter." In fact, however, when Peter's helpers
say they are speaking for the pope, an archbishop has little recourse.
There is a
natural and inevitable tension between those concerned about the universal
church and those concerned about their local churches. Bishops rarely speak
on the record about problems in their relationship with Rome. In his final
address as president of the bishops' conference in November 1983, Archbishop
Roach of St. Paul spoke of the problem of communications between the United
States and Rome. Three years later, in his final address as president,
Bishop James Malone of Youngstown spoke of "a growing and dangerous
disaffection of elements of the church in the United States from the Holy
See." How do Rome and the church in the United States communicate and what
issues have been controversial?
Ad Limina Visit
Every five years,
the American diocesan bishops make an ad limina visit to Rome where they
meet with the Pope and various Vatican officials./5 It is called
an ad limina visit from the Latin "ad limina apostolorum" by which the
church refers to the tombs of Saints Peter and Paul in Rome which the
bishops visit. While this book is being written, the bishops are making
their 1988 visit.
Before the visit,
each bishop prepares for the Congregation for Bishops a quinquennial report
describing in detail the state of his diocese. This report is divided into
thirteen sections asking for information on (1) the pastoral and
administrative organization of the diocese, (2) the general religious
situation, (3) the economic situation of the diocese, (4) liturgical and
sacramental practice, (5) the clergy, (6) religious and secular institutes,
(7) cooperation with the missions, (8) seminaries and universities, (9)
Catholic education, (10) the life and apostolic action of the laity, (11)
ecumenism, (12) social assistance, (13) other pastoral questions. In
addition, the report asks for statistical data on advisory councils, the
tribunal, publications, the clergy, and educational institutions. After
being received by the Congregation for Bishops, the various parts of the
report are distributed to the Vatican congregations specializing in the
particular concerns.
Although they get
a written response some months later, some archbishops expressed
disappointment that, when they reached Rome, they found no one who had read
their reports. One archbishop describes his experience in 1983:
I really worked
hard on it. I made up my mind this was going to be my chance to put down on
paper where I think my diocese really is. I put down some tough stuff. What
I thought was really true about it. Well, I didn't hear from anybody.
And although the
document is in Rome before you go for your ad limina, you know that nobody
looked at it. So there's no input, and there's no feedback. You kinda
wonder, is it worth all that effort of trying to get through somewhere?
Since there are
so many American bishops, they come to Rome in groups, usually by geographic
region, for the ad limina visit. The bishops meet with Vatican officials in
groups and, in the past, were mostly lectured to. One bishop complained that
when a bishop questioned an official at one such meeting, the official noted
down the bishop's name, which killed any further questioning.
Recently there
has been more dialogue as bishops have expressed their views on church
issues and tried to explain themselves to Rome. The bishops have also used
their visits as an opportunity to question Vatican officials about their
actions. For example, in 1983 Cardinal Oddi, prefect of the Congregation for
the Clergy, while visiting the United States, was interviewed in The
Wanderer and spoke before a conference sponsored by Catholics United for
the Faith (CUF), two conservative organizations that have been highly
critical of the bishops./6 According to an archbishop who was present,
some of the
bishops were pretty indignant about some of the things he had to say about
American bishops and the American church. They asked Cardinal Oddi whether
he read The Wanderer. Did he know the kind of newspaper it is and how
it makes people neurotic and maybe psychotic about some of the things in the
church today? Well, he said he didn't know anything about The Wanderer.
The bishops also
met with cardinals Baum (prefect of the Congregation for Seminaries and
Institutes for Study) and Ratzinger (prefect of the Congregation for
Doctrine of the Faith). One of the items the bishops brought up with
Cardinal Ratzinger and the pope was the "very, very slow" rate of
dispensations from celibacy for priests who have left the ministry. "You can
talk to Cardinal Ratzinger and you can talk to the Holy Father about things
that concern you," says one archbishop.
Each bishop also
meets individually with the pope for about fifteen minutes. Although the
bishops look forward to these meetings, they are not very productive. "The
pope has no resume of your quinquennial report," one archbishop explains.
"He asks you all the questions over again that were on it. Silly
questions--how many people in your diocese, how many priests, and so
on--which is pure fact."
Archbishop Hurley
of Anchorage, however, reports, "You were free to say what you wanted." In
1983 he wanted to speak to the pope about ecumenism and about the positive
things religious were doing in his archdiocese. He felt parish priests
needed encouragement for ecumenical work, and he felt that religious women
were being unfairly criticized.
When I went in he
started the usual thing about your diocese, size, all that type of thing. I
cut in on him to bring up what I wanted to bring up. Which turned out to be
the way it had to be done. The pope doesn't know me, doesn't know anything
about Alaska really. What kinds of questions can he really ask? So you
really have to take the lead.
Women religious
also came up when Archbishop O'Meara of Indianapolis met the pope, who asked
him how he got along with the religious in his archdiocese. "I think I get
along with them pretty well, Holy Father," Archbishop O'Meara responded.
"Better you should ask them that question, because their view of it is more
meaningful." Some bishops felt that the Vatican was surprised by the
generally positive view of religious women expressed by the bishops.
Sometimes the
pope may have something very specific to say to an archbishop. For example,
Pope Paul VI told Archbishop Casey of Denver during his ad limina to tell
his auxiliary, Bishop George Evans, to stop publicly supporting the
ordination of women.
After meeting
with the pope individually, the bishops in groups of about twelve have lunch
with the pope, where various topics are discussed. "There were no topics
barred," says one archbishop. "We didn't get organized to have prepared
topics, they just came up casually. The Holy Father is open to discussing
any topic."
The pope is the
center of attention, but "he made sure that every man spoke," says
Archbishop Hurley who describes the lunch he attended in 1983. As they sat
down, the pope identified each bishop by the name of his diocese, not
necessarily by the bishop's own name. Then, the archbishop recalls,
we went through
an unstructured conversation.
The pope said, "I
have learned two new words: undocumented and unchurched." So we talked about
that and pointed out that unchurched in the U.S. does not mean atheistic. We
were able to point out to him that atheism is not a major force in the U.S.
in a formal way. Mark [Hurley of Santa Rosa] said to him that there was no
place in the U.S. where any avowed Communist has won a political campaign.
We talked about
the poor, what do we do about the poor. I said, "One of the things is to
work cooperatively with government, because we do not have the funds
ourselves." I gave a quick reference to my own experience. He wanted to know
about working with the government, is that a problem? Not in the United
States. There are lots of examples of it as they help us to do our work.
We went on for an
hour and a half, two hours. That part was very good.
In the last part
of the visit, the bishops as a group meet with the pope. The senior bishop,
usually a cardinal, briefly addresses the pope on their behalf, and then the
pope addresses the visiting bishops. The speeches of the pope appear to be
written before the bishops gather in Rome. As a result, one archbishop
complained, "He did not seem to reflect, in what he said, what he had heard
from the American bishops."
The Issues
The pope's ad
limina addresses are one of the few public indications of what the pope
thinks about the American church and its hierarchy. When one bishops asked
the pope what he thought of the American church, the pope responded, "Read
my ad limina talks." These speeches are therefore worth examining to see
what he says to the American bishops.
Three popes
addressed the American bishops during their 1978 ad limina visit.
Paul VI spoke to
the New York bishops on the importance of the sacrament of penance./7 He
explicitly asked for "faithful observance of the norms" limiting general
absolution to extraordinary situations of grave necessity. "General
absolution is not to be used as a normal pastoral option, or as a means of
confronting any difficult pastoral situation." He also insisted on the
practice of First Confession before First Communion. He repeated a statement
he had made to other bishops: "The faithful would be rightly shocked that
obvious abuses are tolerated by those who have received the charge of the
`episcopate,' which stands for, since the earliest days of the church,
vigilance and unity."
In a very
positive address to the bishops of Ohio, Michigan, and Minnesota, Paul VI
spoke of his closeness to them in "the splendid efforts, the sustained
efforts, the united efforts that you have made on behalf of life..."/8 He
supported them in "protecting life in its multiple facets" including
"efforts directed to the eradication of hunger, the elimination of subhuman
living conditions, and the promotion of programs on behalf of the poor, the
elderly, and minorities" and human rights and their struggle against
abortion./9 He also noted initiatives sponsored in the United States to
explain natural family planning.
In his last
address to the American bishops, Paul VI spoke on the Eucharist as the
summit of Christian life and noted that extraordinary ministers of communion
should be used only where there is a genuine lack of priests./10
In his only
address to the American bishops, John Paul I talked about the Christian
family with many references to Vatican II but without mentioning Humanae
Vitae./11 He reiterated the indissolubility of marriage but said that
people with difficulties "must always know that we love them."
In his first
address to the American hierarchy, pope John Paul II articulated the two
issues that have continued to mark his pontificate: fidelity to doctrine and
church discipline./12 Quoting from John XXIII, he said that the great
concern of the Vatican II and "my own deepest hope" was "that the sacred
deposit of Christian doctrine should be more effectively guarded and
taught." His second hope was "for the preservation of the great discipline
of the church." He went on to say it was his "ardent desire today that a new
emphasis on the importance of doctrine and discipline will be the
postconciliar contribution of your seminaries."
In 1983, John
Paul II returned to these themes and made them more explicit. Speaking to
the New York bishops, he repeated Paul VI's warnings on general absolution.
Citing canon law, he said, "General absolution is not envisioned solely
because of large numbers of penitents assembled for a great celebration or
pilgrimage." He asked for their zealous pastoral solicitude "to help ensure
that these norms, as well as the norms regulating the First Confession of
children, are understood and properly applied."/13
To the second
group of American bishops he said that they must be holy and a sign of
Christ's love, but "there can be no dichotomy between the bishop as
a sign of Christ's compassion and as a sign of Christ's truth."/14
As part of that truth, the pope wanted the bishops to proclaim "the
indissolubility of marriage..., the incompatibility of premarital sex and
homosexual activity with God's plan..., the unpopular truth that artificial
birth control is against God's law..." and "the rights of the unborn, the
weak, the handicapped, the poor and the aged...."
The bishop must
also explain the church's teaching on the exclusion of women from priestly
ordination and "give proof of his pastoral ability and leadership by
withdrawing all support from individuals or groups who in the name of
progress or compassion, or for other alleged reason, promote the ordination
of women to the priesthood."
In a later
address to a third group of American bishops, the pope spoke on the
priesthood whose identity is found in the ministry of the sacraments of the
Eucharist and reconciliation. He also confirmed the "general exclusion of
priests from secular and political activity."/15
To the next group
of bishops, he referred to his June 1983 letter asking the American bishops
to exercise special pastoral service to the religious./16 This letter
announced the formation of a papal commission on religious life headed by
Archbishop Quinn of San Francisco. The pope explained his action as an
example of collegiality and asked the bishops to give to religious "a call
to holiness, a call to renewal, and a call to penance and conversion." In
his address, he stressed the importance of prayer and union with the
magisterium as essential aspects of religious life.
Finally, to the
last group of American bishops, he spoke of the church's "mission of
proclaiming Christ's good news about Christian married love, the identity
and worth of the family, and the importance of understanding its mission in
the church and the world."/17 As bishops, they are "called upon to help
couples know and understand the reasons for the church's teaching on human
sexuality," including the church's teaching on natural family planning. He
commended the bishops for the concern shown for needy families through their
social service agencies.
Papal Visits 1979 and 1987
During these ad
limina addresses, the pope speaks to groups of bishops from various parts of
the United States. He addresses all of the bishops together only when he
comes to this country. In 1979 he spoke to the U.S. bishops in Chicago, who
were kept waiting for over an hour because he was running late. Although the
press received copies of his talk in advance, the bishops did not.
Complaints were also heard because the bishops had no real opportunity to
dialogue with the pope.
In his speech, he
noted the "long tradition of fidelity to the Apostolic See on the part of
the American hierarchy."/18 He urged them to lives of personal holiness. He
repeated his favorite quotation from John XXIII about guarding and keeping
the deposit of doctrine. Then in a long section he commended them for doing
this in their pastoral letter "To Live in Christ Jesus." He also referred to
a pastoral letter on racism and one on homosexuality by individual bishops.
He encouraged the
bishops to work for Christian unity but noted that "intercommunion between
divided Christians is not the answer." He asked them to safeguard the
sacrament of reconciliation, referring to the limits of general absolution.
He also spoke of the Eucharist and of the communion of the local church with
the universal church.
On his 1987
visit, his meeting with the American bishops in Los Angeles began in the
morning so that the bishops would not be kept waiting, but once again the
press and not the bishops received advance copies of his talk. The meeting
was structured as a dialogue. He was addressed by four archbishops whose
speeches had been given to the Vatican in advance so that the pope could
prepare a response./19 Cardinal Bernardin of Chicago spoke of the church as
"a communio: a communion of particular churches in which and from
which exists the one and unique Catholic Church; a communion which is not
fully the church unless united with the Bishop of Rome."
The church in the
United States, he said, is situated in American culture "where everyone
prizes the freedom to speak his or her mind.., to question things," and to
"want to know the reasons why certain decisions are made, and they feel free
to criticize if they do not agree or are not satisfied with the
explanation." Since the church "values both its unity and diversity, there
are bound to be misunderstandings and tensions at times." The ministry of
the bishops is "to provide for the unity of the particular churches, and the
Petrine ministry to promote and protect the unity of the universal church."
The practical
question is "how to maintain our unity while affirming the diversity in the
local realization of the church; how to discern a proper balance between
freedom and order." He made some suggestions, including the following: "We
must be able to speak with one another in complete candor, without fear.
This applies to our exchanges with the Holy See as well as among ourselves
as bishops. Even if our exchange is characterized by some as
confrontational, we must remain calm and not become the captives of those
who would use us to accomplish their own ends." Also, "we must affirm and
continue to grow in our appreciation of the conciliar vision of collegiality
as both a principle and style of leadership in the Church," and he pointed
to the NCCB as a visible expression of collegiality.
In his response,
John Paul II did not directly react to the cardinal's comments on American
culture or on the need for candor between bishops and Rome. He picked up on
the description of the church as a communio but stressed the "vertical
dimension" of communion--communion with God and communion of the local
churches with the pope. Without explicitly disagreeing with the cardinal,
the pope made clear that the tension between unity and diversity should be
resolved in favor of unity.
Next Archbishop
Quinn of San Francisco spoke on the state of moral theology in an address
that is not easily summarized. He defined moral theology as "human wisdom
struggling to understand God's revelation about how we live." He said "the
revolutionary changes which have occurred in personal and societal life in
the 20th century are not grounds for dismissing church teaching as
outmoded...."
But as pastors,
the bishops must address new realities: the military role of the United
States in the world, divorce and family instability, the high standard of
living, new medical technologies, the insights of psychology and sociology
into the nature of human sexuality, the sexually permissive climate, the
changing social status of women, and the higher level of education among
American Catholics. Archbishop Quinn said, "We cannot fulfill our task
simply by an uncritical application of solutions designed in past ages for
problems which have qualitatively changed or which did not exist in the
past."
He cited the
American bishops' pastoral letters on peace and on economics as examples of
a moral pedagogy that distinguishes universally binding moral principles
from specific applications and recommendations that allow for a diversity of
opinion. He supported dialogue and discussion as an effective method of
understanding moral questions and developing responses.
The pope picked
up on Archbishop Quinn's statement that the church wishes to remain faithful
to the moral teaching of Jesus. He said that claiming "that dissent from the
magisterium is totally compatible with being a `good Catholic' and poses no
obstacle to the reception of the sacraments...is a grave error that
challenges the teaching office of the bishops of the United States and
elsewhere." He did not comment on the new realities moral theology must deal
with. He ignored the distinction between principles and applications. The
impression given was that the magisterium has clear and definitive answers
to the issues raised by Archbishop Quinn, and these answers must be
proclaimed more forcefully and courageously by the bishops.
Archbishop
Weakland of Milwaukee spoke on the role of the laity in society and the
church. He noted their increased education and increased participation in
American society. They look at the intrinsic worth of an argument rather
than accept it on the authority of church teachers. As a result, "an
authoritarian style is counterproductive, and such authority for the most
part then becomes ignored." The faithful look for a spirituality that
integrates their lives, and they want to contribute their skills and
knowledge to the life and growth of the church. Women want to be equal
partners in the church's mission.
John Paul II
acknowledged the growing role and education of American Catholics, but he
asked what has been their impact on American culture. The bishops should
provide the laity with a comprehensive and solid program of catechesis so
that they can bring the gospel's purifying influence to the world of
culture. He spoke of the need for pastoral care to families and of natural
family planning. He quoted Paul VI's 1978 ad limina address commending the
bishops on their work for peace and justice. He spoke of the "equal human
dignity of women and their true feminine humanity."
Finally,
Archbishop Pilarczyk of Cincinnati spoke on lay, religious, and clerical
vocations in the United States. He noted the decline in religious and
priestly vocations and the rise of lay ministry. Mandatory priestly celibacy
is questioned as is the church's teaching on the ordination of women. As
positive points, he noted the broadening concept of church ministry and the
increasing appreciation of prayer, Scripture, and liturgy. While admitting
to plenty of problems and loose ends to deal with, he felt that the Holy
Spirit was hard at work in the dioceses and parishes of our country. What is
happening "is not the turmoil and crisis of death and decay, but of
development and of life."
In responding,
John Paul avoided the term lay ministry but spoke of the "active
participation of the laity in the mission of the church." He stressed the
vocation of the laity in the world rather than in the church.
Finally, he
mentioned some things not brought up by the bishops. He asked the bishops
"to be vigilant that the dogmatic and moral teaching of the Church is
faithfully and clearly presented to the seminarians, and fully accepted and
understood by them." Once again he returned to his favorite quotation from
John XXIII that the greatest concern of Vatican II is that "Christian
doctrine should be more effectively guarded and taught."
He also asked the
bishops to make every effort to ensure that the norms for the use of general
absolution are observed. He encouraged pastoral care to homosexuals that
included a clear explanation of the church's teaching, "which by its nature
is unpopular." He referred in a positive way to the California bishops'
pastoral letter, "A Call to Compassion," which spoke of the need of the
recovery of the virtue of chastity.
But as opposed to
his address in 1979, what was striking in Los Angeles was the lack of any
reference to the American bishops' pastoral letters on peace and the
economy, although they were cited by Archbishops Quinn and Weakland. He
never mentioned the peace pastoral during his visit and referred to the
economic pastoral only twice in passing. Many believed that he disagreed
less with the substance of the letters than with the widely consultative
public process that was involved in their writing.
Ad Limina 1988
While this book
is being written, the American bishops are making trips to Rome for their
1988 ad limina visits. By the end of September, seven groups of bishops had
visited Rome. Four more groups will visit before the end of the year. Early
in 1989, there will be an additional meeting of a representative group of
American bishops with the pope. The Brazilian bishops had a similar meeting
at the end of their ad limina visit in 1986. At this meeting, the Brazilians
discussed liberation theology with the pope and Vatican officials. The
Brazilians were pleased with the meeting and felt that the Vatican had a
better understanding of them after this visit.
The pope's talks
to the American bishops during their 1988 ad limina visits were more
positive tone than those given previously. Bishop Michael Pfeifer of San
Angelo, TX, reports that the pope said that after his 1983 trip to the
United States "he had a different view of the American Catholic" than he had
previously "because he was given some rather negative publicity before he
came that he didn't find true."/20 The pope noted that the demonstrations
against him predicted in the press did not happen.
In March 1988,
the pope spoke to the first group of visiting bishops about his 1983 trip to
the United States. He noted that "One of the great riches of the church in
the United States is the way in which she herself incarnates universality
and catholicity in her ethnic makeup, taken as she is `from every nation and
race, people and tongue' (Rv. 7:9)."/ 21He said he was "convinced of the
openness of the church in the United States to challenge, of her good will
and, above all, of Christ's grace active within her." He noted the church's
response to the farm crisis and "the panorama of charitable works and health
care that was presented to me" during the visit. He challenged the bishops
not to forget the missions and cited their 1986 pastoral statement on world
missions.
In his address to
the second group of American bishops, which included the Texas bishops, the
pope recalled "my recent visit to San Antonio, the wonderful welcome given
me and the impressive faith of the people."/22 He also cited the Texas
bishops' pastoral statement on human sexuality as "a much appreciated
pastoral effort to present the church's teaching on chastity without fear or
reticence." The rest of the address spoke of the pastoral vision needed for
the third millennium, a topic relevant to the entire church. But he did ask
"in a special way" that the bishops of the United States promote "the
centuries-old practice of individual confession." He expanded on this theme
with the third group of bishops whom he also asked to enforce the church law
limiting general absolution to cases of grave necessity./23
In June the pope
spoke on the importance of prayer to the fourth group of bishops. As in
1983, he noted the "superb history of eucharistic participation by the
people"/24 of the United States which has a higher rate of church attendance
than most other countries. To a group of bishops in July he spoke about
catechetics. He complemented the bishops for calling "your people to a sense
of solidarity with those in need," for standing "by all those who are
struggling to live in a way consonant with their human dignity," especially
migrants and immigrants, and for "sustained dialogue and fraternal
collaboration in projects of service to humanity."/25
In September,
John Paul surprised everyone by speaking positively of the draft of the
bishops' pastoral letter on women. First he spoke of human rights in general
and thanked the bishops for their persevering efforts in "defense and
support of human life."/26 Then in speaking of women's rights, he said that
the draft letter showed a "sensitivity" in dealing with women's issues. "You
are rightly striving to eliminate discrimination based on sex," he said.
A week later, for
the first time, he spoke favorably of the bishops' pastoral letters on peace
and economic justice. He cited them for their support of solidarity and
development in the face of global interdependence. He noted that "great
openness to others has been characteristic of the church in the United
States."/27 He commended the solidarity of men and women in the United
States "pledged to the defense and service of human life." And he cited
Catholic Relief Services as "one extraordinary example of the creative
solidarity of American Catholics."
A number of
bishops noted the change to a more positive tone in the pope's speeches to
the American bishops. Some explained this resulted from the favorable
impression he received while visiting the church in United States. Some also
felt that the pope had changed speech writers because he recognized that his
U.S. speeches, especially his response to the American bishops, did not go
over well. The pope appears to be relying less on Archbishop Justin Rigali,
the American prelate who is president of the Pontifical Ecclesiastical
Academy. In addition, informed observers pointed to the replacement of
Archbishop Eduardo Martinez Somalo with Archbishop Edward Cassidy as
assistant secretary of state. Somalo, who was promoted to cardinal, has a
negative view of the church in the United States. The Australian Cassidy
appears to be more open to the American situation.
At their lunches
with the pope, the American bishops discussed a number of current concerns:
women's ordination, peace and unity in the world, the alleged Marian
apparitions at Medjugorje (Yugoslavia) and the case of French conservative
Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre who was excommunicated for ordaining bishops. The
bishops also discussed various issues with the Vatican curia, including a
statement on AIDS by the NCCB Administrative Committee.
Letters from Rome
In between ad
limina visits and papal visits, communications between Rome and the bishops
is usually by letter. Most archbishops say that they are rarely bothered by
Rome./28 The communications from Rome they receive are mostly of a general
nature distributed through the NCCB. "There would be very, very little
addressed specifically to this diocese," said Archbishop Donnellan of
Atlanta. Archbishop Gerety of Newark said that he got letters from the
Vatican "fairly frequently, and sometimes they don't amount to a hill of
beans." Most of the letters were responses on marriage cases that he just
forwarded to the tribunal.
"I don't get a
lot [of inquiries from Rome]," reports Archbishop Roach of St. Paul.
I don't feel that
the Holy See is bugging me. Over a period of years I have gotten some
letters that irritated me and have responded to them. It was dropped, and so
we let it go at that.
Considering the
climate of critics which we've got here [St. Paul is the headquarters of a
number of conservative Catholic organizations], apparently the Holy See has
been pretty good, because I don't get a lot of it back. They don't make me
defend positions. Periodically things come, but it is not a major problem.
The impact of
negative letters on Rome is a much debated issue. "I get many letters from
the United States," reports Cardinal Ratzinger, prefect of the Vatican
Congregation for Doctrine of the Faith. Most of the letters are from those
in "deep loyalty" to the Holy See, he said, adding that they deal frequently
with controversial issues in the news. He mentioned as an example the case
of Father Charles Curran, who has been criticized for his views on moral
theology. "I think that the letters provide us with a reflection of typical
Catholics," he said. "They are people who are preoccupied with the thought
that the Catholic Church should remain the Catholic Church."/29
But many people
fear that letters from right-wing Catholics have tarnished the Vatican's
view of the American church and its bishops. The vicar general of Denver
reports that Cardinal Baggio, prefect of the Congregation of Bishops, told
Archbishop Casey in 1983:
Would you please
get across to your people that if things are going right we would like to
hear about them, because all we get is "hate mail." If we get a lot of this
negative mail, then we think the diocese is in trouble, and we have to check
up on it. So if you can get the word around, let us know both sides.
When an
archbishop receives a letter from a Vatican official inquiring about a
controversy or problem, frequently the Vatican learned about the problem
through letters from America. These complaints usually come from disaffected
conservatives complaining about something in the archdiocese, especially
alleged liturgical abuses by priests.
Archbishop Gerety
of Newark explains:
The Vatican gets
all sorts of people writing in. There are more writing in than there used to
be because of the changes. It's gotten to be the fashion these days to go
over the head of the local bishop and appeal to the nuncio and send a copy
to the pope and this office and this cardinal and all the rest.
So they write
back and say, "We have this letter from so and so; give it the pastoral
attention you think it deserves."
When I
interviewed Archbishop Gerety, he had on his desk a letter from Cardinal
Mayer, prefect of the Congregation for Worship. A man in the archdiocese had
written Rome complaining that the only way of receiving the precious blood
in the archdiocese was by the cup while he preferred intinction, where the
host is dipped into the chalice before it is given to the communicant.
"Cardinal Mayer is just saying that he replied and [is] bringing it to my
attention," explains Archbishop Gerety.
Mayer just says,
from the cup "is the most desirable form, but it is not the only way" and
"expressing the hope that this matter does not cause your Excellency any
inconvenience, I remain...." That means Mayer can now say that he has
replied.
Archbishop
Pilarczyk of Cincinnati agrees that often the Vatican official will simply
forward the letter to the bishop saying, "We received this letter, will you
please give it the attention that it deserves."
And we do, we
always give it the attention that it deserves. Sometimes it deserves very
little attention.
Occasionally I
will get letters from the Holy See saying, "So and so said that Father so
and so said such and such. Would you please look into that." Or, "this
article was published in your diocese, and we would like for you to explain
what this is all about." I have found that by and large it's not
unreasonable.
Archbishop Quinn
of San Francisco says that he rarely receives letters forwarded from Rome.
"The experience I have had," he says, "has to do with a parishioner writing
Rome about something the parishioner regards as liturgically abusive. Then
Rome may write back directly to that parishioner or may write to me and
inquire about it. But that is very rare."
When a Vatican
official answers the writer directly without notifying his bishop, the
results can be embarrassing to the local bishop. One archbishop reports,
There has been a
real problem when an individual writes the Holy See and gets a letter back
from the Holy See and then goes running to the bishop and says, "See you are
wrong."
"What are you
talking about?" [the bishop asks.]
"I got this
letter from Cardinal so and so." Sure enough, there is a letter from the
cardinal or the congregation with no notice whatsoever to the bishop.
Several bishops raised hell over that. Really blasted them.
An example of
such an embarrassing incident occurred in 1986 when Cardinal Edouard Gagnon
wrote a Milwaukee member of CUF (Catholic United for the Faith) describing
"New Creation," a sex education series used in about eighty dioceses, as "a
travesty of sex education." His problem appears to have been with explicit
pictures of the human anatomy. In a subsequent letter, he wrote that he had
consulted the pope and "expressed the judgment of the Holy Father."
When the letters
became public, Archbishop Kucera of Dubuque, who (together with his
predecessor) had given the series an imprimatur, stated, "At no time had
Cardinal Gagnon contacted me about the material contained in his letters."
He first learned of the letters when they were sent to him by someone other
than the cardinal. Nor had the publisher been contacted by the Vatican about
the series. The archbishop noted that catechetical books were under the
jurisdiction of the Congregation of Clergy, not the Pontifical Council for
the Family, which Cardinal Gagnon heads. More than a year after the letters
were made public, the archbishop had still not heard from anyone in the
Vatican about the series, which still has his imprimatur.
Liturgy is
another area where the bishops have been repeatedly embarrassed by Rome. In
many dioceses, the pre-Vatican II Tridentine Mass had been offered by
dissident priests associated with Archbishop Lefebvre or other priests not
in union with Rome. After fighting conservatives over the Tridentine Mass,
the American bishops were caught off guard when Rome decided to permit it.
Many bishops felt betrayed by this action. Under the new Vatican norms, the
local bishop would determine when the Tridentine Mass could be offered. But
one archbishop, who would not allow the Tridentine Mass on Sundays,
complained that someone from his archdiocese called Cardinal Mayer, who told
him that they could have the Tridentine Mass on Sunday. The archbishop was
even given a transcript of the telephone call. More recently, Cardinal Mayer
has objected to the faculties or powers given by the bishops of Michigan to
their priests.
On the other
hand, Archbishop Virgilio Noè, who works in the Congregation for Divine
Worship, sent Archbishop Hurley a copy of a letter he had received
complaining about a priest in Anchorage. He also sent his reply to the
complaintant. "If you think it is proper to forward my letter, feel free to
do so," Archbishop Noè wrote. "So I did," reports Archbishop Hurley who was
pleased with this approach. "I got the pastor, the pastor went to see the
couple. We took care of it. Everyone lived happily ever after."
Another area of
Roman concern has been the American tribunals, which grant more annulments
than all the other tribunals in the world put together. When visiting Roman
congregations, Archbishop May, president of the NCCB was asked about the
tribunals.
They get all
these complaints that the tribunals are nothing but divorce mills; constant
letters going over there from people here. A lot of it is organized mail,
mostly right wing.
Most of the
countries of the world, very frankly, don't even have functioning tribunals.
If they exist, they might have half a dozen cases a year. And in this
diocese [St. Louis] there might be 1,000, and this is just one diocese.
Well, we go over
there, and they look upon us as having caved in on the divorce mentality.
They don't understand that we are simply trying to serve these people with
their needs, which are not the same as those in other countries.
The American
bishops have defended their tribunals against Roman attack. They argue that
their tribunals produce more annulments because they are better staffed with
canon lawyers and secretaries, better equipped with computers and other
office equipment, and because they work longer hours. "We are open 8:30 A.M.
to 5:00 P.M." explains one archbishop. "In Rome they don't open until 10:00
or 10:30, and we work without a long lunch and a siesta."
More recently,
the bishops have been having trouble getting indults (dispensations) for
people without canon law degrees to work in the tribunals. One archbishop
tried to get an indult renewed for a sister.
They wrote back
and said no. I wrote back and said, "You said no, but didn't say why." They
wrote back and said no and still didn't say why. I wrote back and said, "You
said no, but still didn't say why." Then they wrote back and told me why,
and still didn't say why.
Archbishop Hurley
had better luck getting an indult for a lay woman by visiting the Signatura,
the office in Rome responsible for such indults. "The first thing I learned
was nobody speaks English in the Signatura," recalls the archbishop, who
finally found a part-time person to translate. He found that, although
sympathetic, they were not persuaded by the great need and lack of priests
in Alaska. What the Signatura wanted to know was how much theological
training she had. Luckily, she had gone through the same training program as
her husband who is a deacon. After sending the Signatura a description of
the courses she had taken, her indult was extended for five years.
Hunthausen Case
The most extreme
intervention in a U.S. archdiocese by the Vatican was in Seattle, where an
auxiliary was appointed who was supposed to have final authority over
important areas of diocesan life including the tribunal, liturgy, former
priests, priestly formation, medical ethics and ministry to homosexuals.
Such
interventions are rare, but in a few other dioceses, auxiliaries or
coadjutors have been appointed with special powers. Bishop Francis J. Furey
had full powers when he came as coadjutor to the bankrupt diocese of San
Diego in 1963. Likewise, Bishop Norman F. McFarland had special faculties
when he went to the bankrupt diocese of Reno-Las Vegas in 1974. In 1983, a
coadjutor was appointed to Lafayette, LA, with powers over the clergy after
a scandal involving child abuse. Finally in 1986, Bishop David Foley was
appointed auxiliary in Richmond, VA, although the extent of his powers was
never revealed.
The Hunthausen
case is worth examining because it shows what concerns Rome has about the
American church. In addition, it shows how Roman procedures and American
concepts of due process come into conflict.
It all began in
May 1983 when Archbishop Laghi approached Archbishop Hunthausen at a meeting
of the American bishops in Chicago and told him that the Vatican wanted to
have a visitation of Seattle. Hunthausen, not having the slightest idea what
a visitation was, said, "Fine, we have all sorts of wonderful things going
on in Seattle." Archbishop Hickey of Washington, DC, was appointed visitor.
Later, Hunthausen
began to question the visitation when it became clear that its purpose was
to evaluate criticisms about his ministry as archbishop. He objected that he
was never given any specifics about what was to be investigated so that he
could defend himself. In addition, the Vatican wanted the visitation to be
secret, but he argued that was impossible. When the fact of the visitation
became known, Seattle officials insisted that the leak occurred in
Washington, DC.
In November 1983,
Archbishop Hickey spent a week in Seattle conferring with the archbishop and
over seventy priests, religious, and laypersons, many of whom were suggested
by the archbishop. He also examined documents issued by the archbishop or
the archdiocese. Hunthausen was never given a copy of the report sent by
Archbishop Hickey to the Vatican. The Vatican argued that those interviewed
were promised anonymity, and therefore he could not see it.
In September
1985, the archbishop received a letter from Cardinal Ratzinger concluding
the visitation and outlining its findings./30 The letter is important
because it shows what things worry the Vatican, not only in Seattle, but in
other dioceses in the United States.
The six-page
letter begins by complementing Hunthausen: "You have striven with heart and
mind to be a good bishop of the church, eager to implement the renewal
called for in the decrees of the Vatican Council II." It also commends him
for bringing into existence consultative bodies, for his efforts to involve
the laity in the work of the church, and for his concern for justice and
peace. "You have given clear evidence of your loyalty to the church and your
devotion and obedience to the Holy Father." The letter notes that he has
"suffered from exaggerated criticisms and routine misunderstandings" and
disassociates itself from "extremist groups."
The letter then
goes on to list the abuses that Ratzinger said exist in Seattle.
First, the letter
deals with marriage and divorce, citing the "rather widespread practice of
admitting divorced persons to a subsequent church marriage" without an
annulment. "Catholics have been advised that after divorce and civil
remarriage, they may in conscience return to the sacraments." "A clear
presentation of the sacramentality and indissolubility of Christian marriage
should be made to all your people." And the tribunal should conform to the
prescriptions of canon law.
Second, some
doctrinal problems are listed. Concern is expressed about those "who seem
reluctant to accept the magisterium as capable of giving definitive
direction in matters of faith and morals." The church should be portrayed
not simply as a sociological entity "in opposition to its divine origin,
mission and authority." Faulty Christologies lead to these
misunderstandings. Stress should be put on Christ's divinity, humanity,
salvific mission, and union with and lordship over the church. A correct
appreciation of the priesthood and role of the laity should be inculcated in
the seminary program. Policies and programs of the archdiocese should
reflect a vision of the human person based on the gospel and not just on
human sciences. The authoritative teaching of the church has a valid claim
on the Catholic conscience. "No bishop should hesitate to overrule advisors
who propose opinions at variance with the authentic teaching of the Holy
See."
Third, the letter
states that Archbishop Hunthausen has taken steps to correct the practice of
contraceptive sterilization in local Catholic hospitals.
Fourth, "first
confession should precede first communion."
Fifth, "the use
of general absolution must be strictly limited." Large crowds of penitents
at Christmas and Easter do not constitute the necessary condition required
by canon law.
Sixth, "Routine
intercommunion [non-Catholics receiving Communion at Mass] on the occasion
of weddings or funerals...should be recognized as clearly abusive and an
impediment to genuine ecumenism."
Seventh,
practices not in accord with liturgical directives should be eliminated.
Eighth, priests
who have left the ministry and not been laicized by Rome cannot be employed
by the church. When a priest is laicized, that is returned to the lay state,
he is often prohibited from doing certain things by his rescript of
laicization, the Vatican document by which he is laicized. This frequently
means they may not teach in Catholic schools or act as lectors or
extraordinary ministers of communion. Cardinal Ratzinger complained that
these prohibitions were not being observed.
Ninth, in 1976
and 1979 the archdiocese distributed a questionnaire that revealed deficient
doctrinal understandings and led some to believe it "to be a kind of voting
process on doctrinal or moral teachings."
Tenth, the
exclusion of women from the priesthood should be explained unambiguously.
Eleventh, "The
archdiocese should withdraw all support from any group that does not
unequivocally accept the teaching of the magisterium concerning the
intrinsic evil of homosexual activity... A compassionate ministry to
homosexual persons must be developed that has as its clear goal the
promotion of a chaste life-style."
It is noteworthy
that five of the issues listed in the letter (general absolution, first
confession, women priests, intercommunion, homosexuality) were mentioned by
the pope in talks to American bishops. The Vatican also emphasized privately
that the visitation had nothing to do with Archbishop Hunthausen's vocal
opposition to nuclear weapons or his refusal to pay some of his taxes as a
protest. His authority on social justice and peace issues in his archdiocese
was never challenged.
The Vatican did
not want this letter made public, but Archbishop Hunthausen insisted that
some public report was necessary lest he be accused of misrepresenting its
findings. In November 1985, a letter to the archbishop from Archbishop Laghi
was published that summarized the contents of the Ratzinger letter.
Archbishop Hunthausen said that he was firmly committed to dealing with the
areas of concern listed in the letters. But he and others in Seattle asked
for specific instances of when and where these abuses had taken place. Many
of the abuses, he said, never occurred or had been dealt with.
In December 1985,
Donald W. Wuerl was appointed auxiliary bishop in Seattle. Seattle sources
insist that from the very beginning the Vatican wanted to appoint an
auxiliary or coadjutor with special powers but that Archbishop Hunthausen
had refused to accept this. Bishop Wuerl was seen by Seattle as a
compromise--an auxiliary without special powers but one not nominated by the
archbishop. Vatican officials saw the compromise differently. Bishop Wuerl
did not have special powers from the Vatican, but Archbishop Hunthausen was
supposed to give him these powers himself.
By Easter of 1986
it became clear that Bishop Wuerl and Archbishop Hunthausen had different
understandings of the bishop's powers. When Rome was questioned, Archbishop
Hunthausen was told that he was supposed to delegate to Bishop Wuerl final
authority over the tribunal, liturgy, priestly formation, former priests,
medical ethics, and ministry to homosexuals. Again the Vatican did not want
this made public, but the archbishop said that he could not pretend he had
full power when he did not.
When it was made
public in September 1986, most of the priests and religious of the
archdiocese were outraged./31 Some canonists argued that it was against
canon law for a diocesan bishop to delegate final decision making authority
to anyone, even an auxiliary bishop. Meetings were held, petitions were
signed, protests were made. It soon became clear that no matter what his
legal authority, Bishop Wuerl was, in fact, isolated, with the archbishop
being one of his few defenders in Seattle.
Meanwhile,
shortly before the November 1986 meeting of the American bishops, Archbishop
Laghi issued a chronology of the case giving the Vatican's side./32 It said
that at least since 1978, "the Holy See sought the assistance of the
archbishop of Seattle in responding to the high volume of complaints that
were sent to Rome by priests, religious, and faithful in the archdiocese."
After hearing a preliminary report on the visitation, "the Holy See
considered him [Hunthausen] lacking the firmness necessary to govern the
archdiocese." It also said that Archbishop Hunthausen had agreed to the
delegation of powers when Bishop Wuerl was first appointed. In a closed
session at the meeting of bishops, Archbishop Hunthausen gave his version of
the events, which differed significantly from Archbishop Laghi's./33
Up until this
point, most bishops had given Rome the benefit of the doubt, since they did
not know the facts. Once the chronology gave the Vatican's side of the
story, the bishops had to judge the case on the facts rather than on faith.
The administrative committee of the NCCB recommended that the bishops
support the Vatican action in Seattle as "fair and just." But after studying
the chronology and listening to Archbishop Hunthausen, the bishops were
confused and divided. They were asked to support the Vatican's actions in
Seattle but refused. Rather they simply acknowledged the right of the
Vatican to do what it did and offered their services to bring about a
resolution to the conflict.
As it became
clear that the Vatican solution was not working in Seattle and, in fact, was
causing controversy across the country, the American bishops worked to
settle the question before the pope's visit in September 1987. The pope
agreed in February 1987 to appoint a three-man papal commission "to assess
the current situation in the archdiocese of Seattle."
In May, the
commission, consisting of cardinals Bernardin of Chicago and O'Connor of New
York and Archbishop Quinn of San Francisco, agreed with the Vatican's
assessment of the situation in Seattle but recommended the restoring of
Archbishop Hunthausen to full power. The commission reported, "No matter how
personally firm in his teachings and practices the archbishop himself may
be, without intending it, he is perceived as generating, or at least
accepting, a climate of permissiveness within which some feel themselves
free to design their own policies and practices."/34 They also recommended
the appointment of a coadjutor, Bishop Thomas J. Murphy, who would not have
special powers. Bishop Wuerl was to receive another assignment (ultimately
he became bishop of Pittsburgh), and the commission was to continue in
existence to help Archbishop Hunthausen deal with the problems identified by
the Vatican.
Several
significant lessons can be learned from this case. First, the Vatican could
do to Archbishop Hunthausen only what he allowed it to do. If he had refused
to accept the visitation, if he had refused to accept Bishop Wuerl, if he
had refused to delegate to Wuerl any powers, there was little the Vatican
could do. It could not send in the Swiss Guard to restore order. The power
of the Vatican is based on its moral authority and the willingness of
Catholics to agree and obey. All of the Vatican's efforts to deal with
Cardinal Cody in Chicago or to deal with Archbishop Lefebvre failed because
they simply ignored it. Ultimately Archbishop Lefebvre was excommunicated in
1988 for ordaining bishops without papal approval.
Second,
misunderstandings occur when Roman procedures clash with American
conceptions of fairness and due process. Roman procedures presume a benign,
wise, and paternal authority that does what is best for the local and
universal church. American concepts of due process institutionalize a fear
that authority is not always wise and sometimes abuses its power. The desire
for a bill of particulars giving specific and concrete charges, the right of
the accused to face and cross-examine his accusers, the desire for an open
process--all of these come from a tradition where power is suspect. Vatican
officials argue that such procedures are not necessary and are
counterproductive--They are no more needed in the church than they are in a
family. In addition, differences in language and style can lead to
misunderstandings, as appears to have happened in the appointment of Bishop
Wuerl.
A third lesson
from the case is the growing reliance by the Vatican on local church
officials to deal with problems. First, Archbishop Hickey conducted the
original investigation rather than a Vatican official. It is impossible to
evaluate his role in the affair since the report was never made public.
Second, the Vatican tried to get the National Conference of Catholic Bishops
to endorse its actions in Seattle. This failed. Later, the three American
prelates on the papal commission worked out the compromise that settled the
controversy. The recent studies of seminaries and religious life were also
conducted by American bishops. Rome refers to this as collegiality.
A final lesson of
the case is the recognition that the Vatican is capable of changing its
mind; its decisions are not always set in concrete, as many believe. The
Vatican appears to have been convinced by right-wing letter writers that the
people of Seattle were scandalized and upset by the actions of their
archbishop. Wholesale repudiation of the Vatican's actions by the Seattle
priests and religious showed that Vatican intervention was not welcome and
was, in fact, counterproductive.
The commission
constructed a compromise that withdrew Bishop Wuerl and restored Archbishop
Hunthausen while at the same time supporting the Vatican's view that there
were problems in Seattle--The diagnosis was correct, the cure was not
working. The Vatican reversal was portrayed as tactical, not substantive.
But even this compromise required intensive negotiations that would not have
succeeded if the three American prelates had not been solidly united behind
their recommendations when facing both Seattle and Rome. When finally
presented with their recommendations, the pope responded, "If that is what
you want, fine." In addition, he was undoubtedly pleased that this matter
was settled before his trip to the United States.
Gerety Case
Another
archbishop who came under fire in Rome was Archbishop Gerety of Newark. CUF
(Catholics United for the Faith) attacked him because Renew began and is
based in his archdiocese. CUF disapproved of its emphasis on community and
claimed that it was doctrinally unsound. In addition, Rome forced him to
withdraw the imprimatur of Christ Among Us, a very popular book used
in adult catechesis. Archbishop Gerety's resignation was accepted two years
early, shortly before the NCCB committee on doctrine gave a generally
favorable report on Renew while also calling for more doctrinal and
catechetical content to its materials.
After claiming
victory in Seattle and Newark, conservative Catholic organizations like CUF
targeted Archbishop Weakland as their next victim. He was especially
vulnerable in Rome because, in what he thought was an off the record talk to
the Milwaukee press, he had described the newly elected pope.
I had watched him
once in Czestochowa with 200,000 people in the crowd. I said, he works that
crowd better than any ham actor could. And I said, he's very bright, catches
on fast, but he is stubborn. The press the next day had, "Archbishop says
`Pope ham actor who is stubborn.'"
Despite CUF and
the press, Rome has not moved against Archbishop Weakland. Having worked in
Rome as abbot primate of the Benedictines, he knows Roman ways and has Roman
friends. In addition, he is widely respected by the other American bishops
who elected him one of their delegates to the 1987 synod. Many observers
consider him the brightest member of the American hierarchy. If Rome tried
to discipline him, the Seattle controversy would look, in contrast, like a
tempest in a teapot.
The Man in the Middle
A number of
archbishops described themselves as being in the middle between Rome and
their archdioceses. "The hardest part of my job is to be sandwiched between
Roman orders and my people and priests' hopes and ideals," reports
Archbishop Weakland. "I live that struggle day in and day out. I feel
frustrated with no channels of communication and just kind of caught."
Archbishop Roach
of St. Paul describes it in similar terms:
There is conflict
between what is perceived as local need and universal teaching. A classic
example would be the question of the order of penance and first Eucharist.
I feel a very
strong responsibility to recognize what is the order in the universal
church. I also feel a very strong responsibility to be sensitive to the
pedagogical, psychological, catechetical needs as perceived by the people
who are responsible for the preparation of youngsters. And that is always a
stress, that's always a strain.
Another case
where the bishops were caught in the middle between Rome and their flock was
over the issue of altar girls. "I say no to altar girls," recounts
Archbishop Lipscomb of Mobile. "Oh God, what troubles I get into by saying
no to altar girls." Cardinal Bernardin of Chicago also wrote his pastors
telling them not to have altar girls, but press reports indicated he did not
discipline pastors who did not follow the directive.
Some archbishops
feel that it is difficult for Rome to understand the American church. "The
Vatican is predominantly European. It's Italian. It's Roman," says
Archbishop Flores of San Antonio. "Very often they do not understand the
realities out here. But I think they are making an effort, and we've been
trying to dialogue individually and collectively." As an example, he cited
Rome's desire that religious in his archdiocese live in community.
In the city, most
of the nuns live in communities. But we have [poor rural] areas where
sisters are living alone, and they're sixty or eighty miles from the nearest
community. Well, we had to argue that point--that it's just not possible,
and yet we need the service of a qualified sister way out there in the
middle of nowhere.
Rome also wanted
the sisters to wear habits. But many of the nuns were from Mexico where they
had never worn habits because the government forbids it. In addition, as
opposed to Europe, "here it is so hot that you just can't stand it," he
says. "For the nuns to be modestly dressed is enough. The people respect
them. Everybody knows they are nuns."
Another
archbishop caught in the middle was Archbishop Sanchez of Santa Fe, who was
asked by the Vatican to take over the University of Albuquerque when it was
going broke under the administration of the Sisters of St. Francis. "We did
so reluctantly because we knew that it was in tough financial condition,"
says Archbishop Sanchez, "but we hoped for the best." Two years later the
school closed, and the archdiocese was stuck with its $8 million debt.
Conclusion
Besides governing
their archdioceses, archbishops are also involved in their provinces, their
state conferences and the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. A few
play a role in the international church. All of this work involves travel
and meetings outside the archdiocese, to say nothing of the time spent in
the archdiocese preparing for these meetings. Archbishops who are prominent
in national and international church affairs estimate that 20 to 30 percent
of their time is devoted to work outside their archdioceses.
Chancery
officials have mixed feelings about this work by their archbishops. They are
usually proud that their archbishop is playing an important role in the
larger church, but they also complain that the work makes him less available
in the archdiocese. Many of the archbishops also complain that they have to
spend so much time on matters outside of their archdioceses, but it rarely
stops them from being involved in something they consider important.
Not only do
archbishops have an impact on the church outside their archdioceses, that
same church also has an impact on them. They cannot govern their
archdioceses in a vacuum independent of what happens in other parts of the
church. Decisions made by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops can
sometimes bind the local bishop. Even what happens in neighboring dioceses
can influence opinions and actions in their archdioceses.
But it is the
Vatican that can have the most significant impact on the local archdiocese.
The appointment of the archbishop and the parameters of his authority are
mostly determined in Rome. While Rome is not a constant concern of the
archbishops, it is ever present as a source of normative policies and
procedures. After examining the ad limina and U.S. speeches of the pope (and
the correspondence with Seattle), it is obvious that he wants the American
bishops to deal with a number of issues.
The limits to
general absolution were mentioned most consistently by Paul VI in 1978, by
John Paul II in 1979, 1983, 1987, 1988, and in Seattle. First confession
before first communion has also come up repeatedly, as have the
indissolubility of marriage and prohibitions on intercommunion. While
acknowledging the need for compassion, John Paul stresses that this is not
incompatible with preaching the truth. All of this was summed up in his very
first ad limina address to the American bishops when he called for fidelity
to church teaching and discipline.
On the other
hand, Paul VI and John Paul II both praised the American church for its
concern for the poor at home and abroad. Both commended the bishops for
programs like Catholic Charities and Catholic Relief Services. The bishops
have also been praised for their concern for human rights, including the
right to life.
The bishops give
careful attention to the pope when he speaks, and when making decisions, the
views of the pope are very influential. In the next chapter we will examine
how archbishops make decisions.
Footnotes
1. Michael J.
Sheehan, "Is There Life in the Church Beyond Diocese? Supra-Diocesan
Structures and Church Governance in Book II, the People of God," CLSA
Proceedings 42 (1980): 132-50.
2. Michael J.
Sheehan, "State Catholic Conferences," Jurist 30 (1970): 285-313, and
Ian Jones, "Down Home, Bishops' Groups Ply Politics," National Catholic
Reporter, Sept. 16, 1988, 1.
3. "Report from
the Synod," Thomas J. Reese, S.J., America 143 (October 11, 1980):
199.
4. See Peter
Hebblethwaite, In the Vatican (Bethesda, MD: Adler & Adler, 1986).
5. Code of
Canon Law, Latin-English Edition (Washington, DC: Canon Law Society of
America, 1983), Canons 399 and 400. Also see Congregation for Bishops,
Directory for the "Ad Limina" Visit (Vatican City: Typis Polyglottis
Vaticanis, 1988); Congregation for Bishops, "Quinquennial Report by
Residential Bishops," The Canon Law Digest 9 (June 6, 1975): 214-39;
and Congregation for Bishops, Formula Relationis Quinquennalis
(Vatican City: Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1982).
6. The
Wanderer, July 28, 1983, 5.
7. Paul VI,
"Address to Bishops of New York," Origins 7 (April 20, 1978): 721ff.
Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis 70:328ff.
8. Paul VI, "Pope
Praises U.S. Bishops for Pro-Life Efforts," Origins 8 (May 26, 1978):
41ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis 70:412ff.
9. In 1983
Cardinal Bernardin spoke of a "consistent ethic of life" in terms similar to
those used by Paul VI. See Origins 13 (December 29, 1983): 491ff.
10. Paul VI, "The
Eucharist: Summit of Christian Life," Origins 8 (June 15, 1978):
89ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis 70:419ff.
11. John Paul I,
"Address During Ad Limina Visit of U.S. Bishops of the Pacific Northwest,"
Origins 8 (September 21, 1978): 254ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis
70:765ff.
12. John Paul II,
"Address During Ad Limina Visit of U.S. Midwestern and Southern Bishops,"
Origins 8 (November 9, 1978): 353ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis
71:23ff.
13. John Paul II,
"Address to the Bishops of New York," Origins 12 (April 15, 1983):
759ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis 75:566ff. Emphasis in original.
For Vatican view of this visit, see Pio Laghi, "The Central Significance of
`Ad Limina' Visits," Origins 13 (1983): 405-7.
14. John Paul II,
"Address to U.S. Bishops on Women Priests, Marriage, Birth Control and
Homosexuality," Origins 13 (September 5, 1983): 238ff. Also Acta
Apostolicae Sedis 76:99ff. Emphasis in original.
15. John Paul II,
"Address to U.S. Bishops on the Priesthood and the Eucharist," Origins
13 (September 9, 1983): 257ff. Also Acta Apostolicae Sedis 76:106ff.
Emphasis in original.
16. John Paul II,
"The Support Asked of Bishops for Religious," Origins 13 (September
19, 1983): 318-20.
17. John Paul II,
"The Family, Marriage and Sexuality," Origins 13 (September 24,
1983): 316-318.
18. John Paul II,
"An Address to the U.S. Bishops," Origins 9 (October 5, 1979):
287-291.
19. The speeches,
given on September 16, were published in Origins 17 (October 1,
1987): 224-267.
20. "Texas
Bishops Tell Human, Spiritual Sides of Ad Limina Visit," NC News Service,
May 13, 1988.
21. John Paul II,
"Pope Cites Church Strengths in United States," Origins 17 (March 25,
1988): 705.
22. John Paul II,
"Developing a Pastoral Vision for the Year 2000," Origins 17 (April
28, 1988): 801.
23. John Paul II,
"Pastoral Action Asked on Penance," Origins 17 (June 23, 1988):
85-88.
24. John Paul II,
"Prayer as the Context for Christian Living," Origins 17 (June 23,
1988): 90.
25. John Paul II,
"What is a Christocentric Catechesis," Origins 17 (August 4, 1988):
161-162.
26. John Paul II,
"The Rights of Women," Origins 18 (Sept. 22, 1988): 243.
27. John Paul II,
"Solidarity and Interdependence," Origins 18 (Sept. 22, 1988): 241.
28. A survey
covering 78 percent of the dioceses found only thirty-six formal cases
appealing a decision of a diocesan bishop to an office of the Apostolic See
over a fifteen-year period. Twenty-five of these dealt with clergy personnel
issues (appeals from retirement, reassignment, or removal of pastors). James
H. Provost, "Recent Experience of Administrative Recourse to the Apostolic
See," Jurist 46 (1986): 142-63.
29. Gerald M.
Costello, "U.S. Catholics Loyal to Church, Cardinal Ratzinger Says," NC
News, February 1, 1988.
30. Joseph
Ratzinger, "Cardinal Ratzinger's Letter, Sept. 30, 1985," Origins 17
(June 4, 1987): 41-43.
31. Thomas J.
Reese, S.J., "The Seattle Way of the Cross," America 155 (September
20, 1986): 111-12.
32. "Vatican
Releases Chronology of Events in Seattle," Origins 16 (November 6,
1986): 361-64.
33. Raymond
Hunthausen, "Archbishop Hunthausen to the U.S. Bishops," Origins 16
(November 20, 1986): 401-8.
34. Joseph
Bernardin, John O'Connor, and John Quinn, "A Resolution of the Situation in
Seattle," Origins 17 (June 4, 1987): 37-41.
Conclusion: Episcopal Decision Making
No one seems
to worry about who ministers to the bishops.
Archbishop Weakland.
My mistakes
have always happened in the cases where I did not really consult.
Archbishop Quinn.
Episcopal
governance is the product of a number of factors: the personality and style
of the archbishop, the makeup and needs of his archdiocese, and the
governing structures of the church. Who is appointed archbishop makes a
tremendous difference. His talents, values, style, and preferences have an
impact on his archdiocese. But he does not write on a clean slate with
complete freedom. Canon law gives him power but also restricts him. The
demographic and financial condition of his archdiocese as well as its
history provides him with opportunities and restraints. And it is through
the structures of governance that he must interact with other actors in the
archdiocese and attempt to influence its direction.
Chapters 4, 5, 6,
and 7 examined how archbishops govern their parishes, deal with finances,
and personnel and oversee the operations of their education and social
service programs. A number of themes were common to all of these situations,
which give us a picture of the episcopal decision-making process.
Reactive and Crisis Management
A characteristic
of episcopal governance is that it is primarily reactive and not proactive.
Like other leaders of organizations, archbishops respond to problems by
searching for solutions./1 An archbishop's time and attention is
predominantly controlled by what hits him in the mail and on his schedule.
Thus the mail brings in information, requests, and complaints. People
desiring to see him do the same. His confirmation schedule forces him out
among the people. His regularly scheduled meetings with various boards and
councils force him to go over agenda material and to listen to the advice
and opinions of others. The annual budgetary cycle forces him to review
expenditures and budgetary projections.
Crises,
especially those that might reach the press, also focus the archbishop's
attention. A potential scandal, demonstration, or protest will consume his
energy. A labor dispute or the closing of a school will always be
controversial and require the archbishop's attention. Archbishops do not
like surprises, but, in fact, they must spend a good amount of time
responding to crises.
Being in a
reactive mode is not necessarily a negative pattern. By reacting to crises
and stimuli, an archbishop responds to the needs and the desires of the
people in his local church. In fact, this reactive management style helps
him to be pastoral in orientation. On the other hand, these concrete events
can easily consume his time so that he does not have time to update himself
theologically or to deal with broader issues. He fails to scan the
environment for opportunities.
But while
responding to immediate concerns is necessary and good, many archdiocesan
officials, including archbishops, complain of the lack of long-range
planning. Programs and policies are made in response to requests and
perceived needs, but when limited resources demand selectivity, there is no
sense of priorities to guide choices. Where some long-range planning is
taking place, it is usually in response to a perceived crisis such as the
decline in the number of priests.
Incrementalism vs. Comprehensive Planning
Some archdioceses
have developed mission statements and pastoral plans. Some even have an
office of planning and research. These offices are concerned with goal
setting and the planning process within the diocesan structure. They also
act as consultants./2 But often the planners complain that their advice is
not taken or they are ignored by the real decision makers. Their critics
reply that the planners have biases and that their opinions are no more
weighty than those of other participants.
Despite attempts
at planning, setting priorities, and mission statements, most episcopal
decision making is incremental./3 Archdioceses have tried management by
objectives, PPBS (program, planning, budgeting system), zero-based
budgeting, and other management techniques. But when the final decisions are
made, they are almost always only incrementally different from what was done
in the past. This should not be surprising, since these management
techniques have proven less than perfect when applied to government
programs. In archdioceses, when money is tight, choices are rarely made
among programs. Rather budgets are frozen or across-the-board cuts are made.
When money is available, most budgets are expanded incrementally.
Recognizing that programs are rarely closed down and that employees are
rarely let go, archbishops place high thresholds in front of new programs or
hirings.
Incremental
change since the Vatican Council has meant mostly expansion--more programs,
more offices, more lay personnel, more money. These many incremental changes
have added up to substantial expansion on the part of archdioceses. This
expansion together with a more rapidly changing environment has made the job
of the archbishop more difficult. The creation of secretariat structures and
budgetary systems have been attempts by archbishops to find means of
governing these new programs and agencies.
One difficulty
archbishops face in governing is that there are few empirical ways of
measuring whether a program is successful or not. In a business, there are a
number of indices: profit, market share, efficiency, growth. Like any
nonprofit organization, the church lacks a bottom-line criteria of success.
The Catholic church has for many years counted baptisms, Mass attendance,
communions, collections, etc. All of these can be used as measurable
criteria. But theologically, the church is interested not only in quantity
but quality. Measuring quality of a liturgy or a sacramental experience is
much more difficult.
In addition, the
archbishops' lack of sophistication in social sciences makes it difficult
for them to think in these terms. Those, like Andrew Greeley, who have been
involved in empirical research on Catholic questions, complain that the
bishops do not pay attention to their work. While no one argues that
empirical research will answer every question, the church funds far less
research than any other complex organization of comparable size. Nor do many
Catholic foundations fund research.
Finances
One empirical
measure most archbishops do understand is money. Some people are shocked and
disappointed at the amount of time that bishops must devote to finances.
Archbishops, however, recognize that they can do little without money. Their
agencies and programs are bottomless pits that can always use more money. If
an archbishop gives them all they want, the archdiocesan budget will be
permanently in the red. Every archbishop knows of dioceses that overspent
and were heavily in debt. They have heard from their friends how difficult
and painful it was to turn those dioceses around and pay off the debts. None
of them wants that problem. Nor do many enjoy raising money. As a result,
most insist that the archdiocesan budget be balanced.
Finances are also
important to some archbishops because they recognize the power of the purse.
He who controls the funds, controls the organization. When my father
presented the articles of incorporation for the Los Angeles Catholic Big
Brothers to Cardinal James McIntyre, the cardinal said, "I only want to know
one thing: How do I control the funds in this organization?" He was very
angry when told he did not control the funds.
The power of the
purse is seen at budget time. Funding determines what new programs are
started. And the budgetary process is usually the only mechanism for
reviewing existing archdiocesan programs. It is a time when questions are
asked and programs must be defended. It is a time when an archbishop is
guaranteed an agency's undivided attention.
On the other
hand, extensive involvement in financial administration is also a temptation
for bishops. Organizational theorists call this displacement of goals
thorough overcommitment to means./4 But this danger is not simply present in
financial administration but in all kinds of administrative procedures:
planning, meetings, newsletters, rules, and procedures.
Catholicity
Archbishops are
also concerned about the Catholicity of archdiocesan programs, especially
the Catholic character of their schools and social programs. Having programs
that are professional and efficient is not enough; archbishops want
something distinctively Catholic about these programs. This can be
controversial if there is disagreement over what is "Catholic." While a
certain amount of legitimate pluralism is acknowledged by most bishops, they
also recognize their responsibility for the Catholic character of their
agencies and programs. It is within the role of bishops as institutional
leaders (rather than simply managers or technocrats) to be concerned about
"meaning," legitimation, and higher level support, which makes the
achievement of goals possible./5
The difficulty comes when "Catholic" is defined in a legalistic way as to
eliminate creativity in responding to a changing environment.
Consultation
Because they are
dealing with so many uncertainties, few archbishops are willing to make
decisions without consulting others. Archbishop Quinn of San Francisco
admits that his "mistakes have always happened in the case where I did not
really consult, where I just made my own decision without discussing or
consulting with anybody. I don't usually do that. I usually do consult with
wise people. But when I haven't, then I see that it has very often been the
wrong decision."
Archbishops
consult many people, including other bishops. Many archbishops find out what
other bishops are doing before making a decision. Smart diocesan
administrators know that if they can show that a program or policy has been
adopted in a number of other dioceses, especially by bishops whom their
archbishop respects, they will have an easier time selling their proposal.
At a cabinet meeting discussing when and how often to allow Tridentine
Masses, one archbishop reported calling Archbishop Kelly in Louisville to
find out what he was doing.
Consulting other
dioceses often gains valuable information and advice by profiting from their
experience. Such a strategy helps an archbishop avoid making mistakes or at
least avoid being alone in the mistake. One of the reasons Renew was adopted
by so many dioceses was the high marks it received from bishops who had
tried it. Likewise, when Archbishop Roach of St. Paul wanted to reorganize
his diocesan agencies, he sent his moderator of the curia to Chicago to
learn about their reorganization.
Most archbishops
are not afraid to make decisions, but they realize that they need the advice
of others. Who they consult is important. Some consult widely; others tend
to consult those they consider expert on the issue in question.
Cardinal Krol of
Philadelphia explains:
In arriving at
decisions, an archbishop must be well informed, must consult with people who
know and have something to offer. It is a popular tendency today to have
so-called grass-roots input, which is valid if the grass roots know what the
issues are, what the problems are, what the goals are.
[Government
officials in a democracy] do not go to grass roots every time they have to
make a decision. They have to consult, they call the experts and the people
who are in the know, and they do have hearings. But that town hall kind of a
syndrome, which was valid with very small communities, is not applicable
when you have a country such as ours or a diocese which exceeds 1.3 million
Catholics.
Limiting
consultation to experts is efficient, but it sometimes prevents the
archbishop from getting advice from people who will be affected by the
decision. In addition, if their support is necessary to carry out the
policy, consultation is a method of fostering ownership over the decision.
For example, while an archbishop might think RCIA or Renew would be good for
the parishes, he should recognize that adopting them without consulting the
priests would be a disaster. Bishops who follow a consultative style realize
their dependence on others and the necessity of cooperative strategies to
reduce uncertainty, gain commitments, and make goals more easily
achievable./6
Sometimes the
consultation process is in form only because those consulted know the
archbishop has already made up his mind. For example, the priests' council
in New York voted to have a archdiocesan synod because they knew Cardinal
O'Connor wanted one, but there was little enthusiasm among the priests for
the idea. On the other hand, in some situations the archbishop can be
embarrassed when a consultative body flatly turns down his recommendation.
The St. Paul council of priests in 1985 told Archbishop Roach that they did
not support his plan to renovate the seminary. He postponed the project
until he could win over their support.
When working with
consultative bodies, archbishops look not only for advice, they are also
attempting to form consensus. A majority vote in favor of a proposal is
rarely sufficient. If 49 percent of the council opposes the proposal, the
archbishop will rarely proceed. Rather he will call for more discussion and
perhaps modifications to take into consideration the views of those opposed.
This frequently means that the final decision is postponed.
The archbishop
also wants consensus among his consultative groups. He would not want his
priests' council and pastoral council in conflict like an upper and lower
house./7 If the pastoral council has one view and the priests' council has
another, he is in trouble./8
He or his staff will have to broker a compromise and work for consensus. The
desire for consensus is one example of the high priority archbishops place
on unity.
Some archbishops
(for example, Cardinal Bernardin) go through wide consultations in an
attempt to reach a consensus before making a decision. They are reluctant to
do anything without wide support. Here, frequently the complaint is that
decisions take too long to make. Similarly, while Archbishop Quinn wanted
some kind of renewal program for his archdiocese, he wanted the priests'
council to recommend which program should be adopted. They, on the other
hand, wanted him to make a recommendation. The result was no program.
Other archbishops
are accused of giving the appearance of consultation while really
manipulating the group to agree with their preordained decision. Some
priests believe their archbishop does not take their council seriously. One
member of an executive committee described a meeting where liturgy and
personnel were chosen as priority topics for the year.
The archbishop
was invited to discuss these with the executive committee. This was his
chance to influence the proceedings. He saw Liturgy and Personnel
on the blackboard, and he said, "They just want a gripe session. They want
more money for the liturgy committee. Personnel? Gripe session! Priests are
never happy with personnel decisions."
Later when the
archbishop addressed the entire council, he told them their choice of issues
was wonderful. "Liturgy and personnel, these are my concerns, too." As soon
as there was a coffee break, everyone learned what he had said to the
executive committee.
Few archbishops
are comfortable with group decision making in large consultative councils,
such as a pastoral council or priests' council. These bodies tend to be
uninformed and slow in coming to a consensus on a course of action. The
archbishops find these councils most useful as feedback mechanisms where
they can hear the reactions of people about what is happening in the
archdiocese. Smaller specialized boards whose members are familiar with
particular agencies are more successful.
Despite these
problems, few archbishops will move on a major decision until after wide
consultation leads to a consensus. While recognizing that they always have
the last word, the archbishops also recognize that forcing a program on the
archdiocese, and especially on the diocesan priests, can be
counterproductive. Without enthusiastic support of the priests and
archdiocesan lay leaders, most archdiocesan programs will not work anyway.
Primacy of Charity
In the
decision-making process, archbishops place a priority on unity and charity,
which take precedence over efficiency and effectiveness. This can be seen
not only in the consultative process, but in other decision-making
situations. For example, almost all archbishops pointed to personnel as
their most difficult area. Most archbishops want to be loving fathers; they
do not like to confront or fire people. As a result, people are not
challenged, they are not dealt with honestly, and personnel problems are
unresolved. For example, computerizing the business office will wait for the
retirement of an elderly bookkeeper. Reductions in personnel can only be
made through not replacing retiring personnel. The resulting inefficiencies
can cause staff morale problems and ineffectiveness in archdiocesan
programs.
The primacy of
charity over efficiency can also be seen in the desire of archbishops to
keep open inner-city parishes with declining congregations. While retailers
and services flee to the suburbs, Catholic churches remain open and staffed.
Inner-city schools for blacks are another example of charity outweighing
efficiency. Although black children are helped tremendously by these
schools, few are Catholic and few become Catholics.
The primacy of
unity and charity encourages archbishops to avoid conflict whenever
possible. Few archbishops are combative by nature or enjoy a fight. Planning
has been ineffective in most archdioceses because planning means making
choices, and choices bring conflict with those who prefer the status quo.
Plans are invariably postponed until a consensus supports them or until lack
of resources (either money or personnel) forces a decision.
Archbishops also
avoid conflict by delegating decisions. Department budgets might be cut and
then the department heads told to make the necessary cuts among their
offices.
The biggest
problems for archbishops come when the interests of one group conflict with
another. For example, most archbishops would like to raise teachers'
salaries, but this would require raising tuitions. Or on an individual
basis, there can be a conflict when two priests want the same pastorate. Or
conflict can occur between the needs of a pastor and the needs of a parish.
In secular
society, such conflicts would be resolved in favor of the strongest; in the
church, they are just as apt to be resolved in favor of the weaker party.
Priests in Chicago joke that priests who do well in a difficult assignment
are rewarded with an even more difficult job, whereas those who fail are
given a soft job. Charity takes priority over merit.
Keeping the Pastors Happy
When making
decisions, the most important constituency for the archbishop is his
priests, especially the pastors. Keeping his priests happy is a high
priority. Because of their permanent commitment to the archdiocese, they are
like members of a family in a family business. This "clerical club" is based
on extended relationships that have grown over time, beginning in the
seminary. The large exodus of priests also made bishops sensitive to
priestly needs. With the decline in the number of priests, each diocesan
priest becomes an irreplaceable employee.
All of this means
that keeping the priests happy is good for the archdiocese and the
archbishop. Practically every archbishop, for example, tells his secretary
that he is available for any priest who wants to see him at any time. Even
cardinals and archbishops involved in national or international work will
come under criticism if they become unavailable to their priests.
Keeping the
priests happy has important ramifications on archdiocesan governance. For
example, one favorite pastime of the clerical club is complaining about the
chancery, especially that it is wasting money. Whether or not this is true,
their attitude puts pressure on the archdiocesan budget because of an
unwillingness of archbishops to raise parish assessments or diocesan appeal
goals. The archbishops would usually rather cut or freeze budgets than face
the wrath of pastors by proposing a tax increase.
Priests also
complain that the chancery and archdiocesan agencies are not doing anything
to serve the parishes. Archbishops have responded by asking agencies at
budget time what they are doing for the parishes. Agencies, like Catholic
Charities, that for many years operated independently from the parishes, are
now developing programs aimed at fulfilling parish needs. Agencies that the
pastors think are wasteful tend to be the ones that get cut at budget time
because they have lost the support of this important constituency.
Another example
of this attitude toward pastors is the reluctance of archbishops to mandate
any policies or programs. Most archbishops want to respect the autonomy of
the local pastor as much as possible. In addition, they do not want to place
additional burdens on pastors who are already overworked. As long as there
are not too many complaints from the parishioners, pastors can pretty much
get away with almost anything.
The priests'
personnel board and priests' personnel directors can be understood in this
light also. By using a board and following its recommendations, the
archbishop can distance himself from possible conflict with his priests.
Rather than telling a priest that he is not fit to be a pastor, he can say,
"The personnel board does not think you are ready to be a pastor. This is
the way they see you...." He can even have the personnel director convey the
bad news. In one archdiocese, the archbishop notifies the priest who gets a
parish, while the clergy personnel director notifies those who were passed
over.
Coping with Uncertainty
One of the most
important functions of an organization's leadership is to deal with the
constraints and contingencies imposed by its environment and its technology.
For a pencil factory, this means organizing the capital, raw materials,
workers, and equipment as well as marketing the output. The simpler the
technology, the more benign and stable the environment, the easier the job.
The more complex the technology, the more unstable the environment, the more
difficult the leader's task. Complexity and instability introduces
uncertainty into the decision-making process.
Especially since
Vatican II, bishops have had to face a more complex and constantly changing
environment. Old ministries (technologies) have not produced the desired
effects (e.g., Mass attendance and vocations have gone down). New ministries
have been developed, but the effectiveness of these ministries has been
uncertain. In addition, lack of agreement has existed over the desirable
outcomes of various ministries. Lacking consensus on goals and lacking
certainty on effectiveness, bishops have found themselves in the worst
possible position to make what has been traditionally considered a
"rational" decision: choosing the most efficient and effective means to
obtain a goal.
Bishops have
followed strategies that would be expected in such a situation.
1.They have
created new units (liturgy office, social ministries, Renew, ecumenical
commission, personnel office, family life office) within the organization
that employ people trained in the new ministries (technologies). Sometimes
the units (like minority offices, personnel offices) will be buffers or
communication channels between the environment and the rest of the
organization. The danger here is creating a multitude of uncoordinated
units.
2.Rationality has
been imposed on those parts of the system where it is possible both
technically and politically. Thus, computers and modern business methods are
making headway in financial administration but only where inertia is
overcome by political means. Personnel procedures have been
professionalized. The danger here is attempting to impose rules and
standardization where it is not appropriate.
3.Where there is
lack of consensus on goals or where the effectiveness of new technologies
(ministries) is uncertain, social or political or ideological (theological)
criteria are used in decision making. And decision making is incremental.
Church leaders in
the face of uncertainty use social and political criteria in decision
making: peer group evaluation, wide consultation, consensus decision making,
appeals to higher authority, appeals to experts, and limiting the number of
variables examined because of ideological reasons. Thus, while a bishop may
not understand what his Catholic Charities is doing, he will be satisfied if
(1) it is accredited through peer evaluation, (2) government and private
agencies have enough confidence in it to give it money, (3) those it serves
are pleased, (4) the board of directors approves the programs, and (5)
little negative feedback comes from important constituencies, like the
pastors.
Ideological
(theological) premises that ignore or deny the validity of environmental
signals also ease decision making. Altars are turned around despite
complaints of some parishioners. The requirement of priestly celibacy is
retained despite the decline in vocations. Or uncertainty can also be
resolved by appeals to higher authority or by eliminating any
experimentation until it is mandated from above. Fear of exercising
discretion is especially high when the consequences of error are considered
great. What is started as an experiment is sometimes difficult to stop. And
no one wants to be accused by the Vatican of being unorthodox.
The primacy given
to unity and charity reflect the use of social and political criteria in
decision making. Concern for unity and charity give a special orientation to
ecclesial decision making. Keeping important constituencies happy,
especially priests and chancery employees, encourages delegation,
consultation, and consensus decision making. Extensive consultation has
become an accepted part of contemporary American ecclesial life. It is a
time-consuming process, but few archbishops would try to govern their
archdioceses without it. Consultation is not simply a means of gaining
information; it is also a method of developing support and consensus for a
program or policy.
But an archbishop
cannot simply respond to local constituencies. While their desires and
opinions are important, he also is constrained by finances, church law, and
the views of Roman officials, as was seen in the last chapter. He must see
to it that programs are solvent and truly Catholic.
There is no such
thing as an ideal archdiocesan organization. The organizational structure
must be tailored to meet the personality and desires of the archbishop and
the needs of the archdiocese within the constraints imposed by the
environment. In large archdioceses, secretariat-level administrators have
become necessary because of the proliferation and growth of archdiocesan
agencies. The archbishop needs help if agencies and offices are going to be
supervised and coordinated. Regional vicars also make the archbishop's
presence felt in the parishes, especially if the archdiocese is large and he
is busy with administration.
The danger of
these new structures is that they will become bureaucratic and unresponsive
either to the archbishop or to his people. Thomas F. O'Dea explained this
well in looking at the pre-Vatican II church, but the dilemmas of
institutionalization also exist for the post-Vatican church:
It is
characteristic of bureaucratic structure to elaborate new offices and new
networks of communications and command in the face of new problems.
Precedents are established which lead to the precipitation of new rules and
procedures. One result may indeed be that the structure tends to complicate
itself. This state of affairs evolves in order to cope with new situations
and new problems effectively. Yet such self-complication can overextend
itself and produce an unwieldy organization with blocks and breakdowns in
communication, overlapping of spheres of competence, and ambiguous
definitions of authority and related functions. In short, developments to
meet functional needs can become dysfunctional in later situations.... The
tendency of organization to complicate itself to meet new situations often
transforms it into an awkward and confusing mechanism within whose context
it is difficult to accomplish anything./9
Although
structures are important, the key to successful governance is not so much an
ideal structure as the ability of the archbishop to find people who can do
the things he cannot do and give them the resources they need. Thus, an
archbishop who has difficulties relating to his priests would be wise to
seek out a vicar for priests who is well liked and trusted by the priests.
An archbishop who dislikes administration needs to look for a competent
vicar general to take care of as much administration as possible.
Archbishops who spend much time on administration need their auxiliaries to
be an episcopal, pastoral presence in the parishes. Rather than trying to
turn themselves into something they are not, wise archbishops lead with
their strengths and find others to cover their weaknesses. But he must be
willing to give them real authority and not just a title.
But there are
some things that the archbishop simply cannot delegate to others: dealing
with the Vatican, with the NCCB, with other bishops (including his
auxiliaries), with priest personnel problems, with budget deficits, with the
closing (or opening) of parishes and schools, with problems that will make
the front page of the local newspaper, and with the appointment of pastors
and cabinet-level administrators. He can get help from others on these
matters, but they are too important for him to ignore. In addition, he must
be sensitive to the long-range good of the archdiocese and the church as a
whole since others in the diocese will be focused only on parts.
Finally, the
archbishop must take care of himself. He is responsible for ministering to
his priests, but there is no one to minister to him. There are few with whom
he can share his problems. If he has close friends among the diocesan
clergy, he will be accused of preferring them over others. Even these priest
friends are under him in authority, which is why many bishops seek out
religious priests as spiritual directors. One archbishop reported that he
had a hard time finding any priest who was willing to be his spiritual
director.
Bishops can
become isolated with no one supporting them, as Archbishop Weakland of
Milwaukee explains:
I'm finding that
more and more bishops are isolated. We religious had our own support groups,
and we had superiors who were interested in us. I find that more and more
bishops somehow don't get any support groups and they get isolated. They
come to the bishops' meetings, they smile and greet people, and they go
home, and no one seems to worry about who ministers to the bishops.
As a church
leader, the archbishop must also nourish his spiritual life. Archbishop
Kelly of Louisville speaks of the need of a bishop to be "sustained and
nurtured by prayer." He says,
All of this
stuff, the programmatic stuff, the financial, the management, none of it can
hold a candle to my responsibility to preach and therefore to pray.
I am to be the
best preacher in the diocese. I am to be the best celebrant, and that means
a deep spirituality. I haven't got it there yet, but I want to be there.
That is very, very important to me.
This book has
been about the archbishop's role in the governance of his archdiocese. As a
result, I have not been able to devote much space to his role as liturgist,
teacher, or spiritual leader. Nor have I been able to examine the
theological views or spiritual lives of archbishops. All these aspects of
episcopal life are very important, but they are less susceptible to analysis
by social scientists.
What this book
has shown is the way archbishops respond to their environment, organize
their archdioceses, and make decisions dealing with such important matters
as personnel, finances, parish life, social services, and education. These
are all vital to the life of the local church that is his archdiocese. The
archbishops have a tremendous impact on the lives of their local churches.
The decisions they make today will determine the shape of the church in the
United States in the next century.
Footnotes
1. James D.
Thompson, Organizations in Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 151.
2. Ruth N. Doyle,
Eugene F. Hemrick, and Patrick Hughes, National Pastoral Planning in the
1980s (Newark, NJ: National Pastoral Planners Conference, 1983). See
also Eugene F. Hemrick, "The Evolving Church and Church Governance," in
The Ministry of Governance, ed. James K. Mallet (Washington, DC: Canon
Law Society of America, 1986), 140-59.
3. On
incrementalism, see Charles E. Lindblom, The Policy-Making Process
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986); Charles E. Lindblom, "The
Science of Muddling Through," Public Administration Review 19 (Spring
1958): 79-88; Thomas J. Reese, S.J., and Paul J. Roy, S.J., "Discernment as
Muddling Through," Jurist 38 (1978): 82-117.
4. Thompson,
Organizations in Action, 79.
5. Ibid., 11.
6. For a
discussion of cooperative strategies, see Thompson, Organizations in
Action, 34-36.
7. Rembert G.
Weakland, "Local Implementation--Ecclesial Life Under the 1983 Code,"
CLSA Proceedings 46 (1985): 19.
8. James H.
Provost, "The Working Together of Consultative Bodies--Great Expectations?"
Jurist 40 (1980): 257-81; Robert Kennedy, "Shared Responsibility in
Ecclesial Decision Making," Studia Canonica 14 (1980): 5-23.
9. Thomas F. O'Dea, "Five
Dilemmas in the Institutionalization of Religion," Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion 1 (1961): 35-36.
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